Spoof, Spam, Lurk & Lag Links

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Some MOOs to visit

Click on these names if you'd like to be directly connected to the following MOOs, and see Basic Commands for instructions, if you've never connected with a MOO before:

A survey of studies on cyberspace and text-based virtual communities

"Cyberspace" has become a regular beat for popular media. For instance, the Philadelphia Inquirer, along with many other major newspapers, now publishes articles on uses of the Internet nearly daily. Many stories describing MUDs and MOOs have been published in several popular magazines during the past two years, both extolling and fearing these technical wonders (Anderson, 1994; Dworetzky, 1994; Elmer-Dewitt, 1994; Germain, 1993; Hafner, 1994; Harris, 1994; Leslie, 1993; Roush, 1993; Saffo, 1993;). The history of the MUDs and MOOs is only known informally, as shared between members or unpublished papers disseminated through the Internet (Bartle; Burka, 1993).

Many popular articles focus on the problem of whether cyberspace create valid community. (Dibbell, 1993; Barlow, 1995; Kadi, 1995; Saige, 1995; Sanders, 1995; Stuart, 1995; Nader, 1995). In this vein, the best known work is the book The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier by journalist Howard Rheingold (Rheingold, 1993), in which "community" is measured in terms of "real life" such as face-to-face meetings, long-term commitments, and the helping of friends in crisis.

Like Rheingold, some write about the "reach-out-and-touch" potential of meeting new and different people, interacting on equal terms, transcending boundaries of geography and cultural difference. (Rheingold, 1993, 185-187; Brand, 1995) Others have delivered scathing criticism to this potential, the most successful being M.Kadi who pointed out that the cost of becoming equipped and connected is prohibitive for anyone other than the upper middle-class, and that the sheer volume of special-interest newsgroups and mailing lists encourages users to restrict their interactions to special-interest groups. Kadi concludes, "Ultimately, J. Individual does not engage in topics that do not interest J. Individual. So who is J. meeting? Why, people who are just like J." (Kadi, 1995)

Some MOOs have been established as social experiments, with reflective evaluations by their scholar-creators touching on themes of self presentation and creation and of professional applications for MOOs. Pavel Curtis is the creator of MOO software for Xerox Corporation in Palo Alto, and serves as "Arch-Wizard" of LambdaMOO, the largest and oldest MOO. Amy Bruckman is a graduate student at MIT's Media Lab, and built MediaMOO as a networking tool for scholars in media research (loosely defined). While much of the interaction at MediaMOO is recreational, it does support exchange and debate of ideas and theories about media and society. (Bruckman and Resnick, 1993; Curtis, 1992; Curtis and Nichols, 1993; Evard, 1994)

Both scholars and popular press writers are fascinated by sexual and romantic exchanges in text-based synchronous media. In 1993, Trudeau's comic character "Doonesbury", in disguise as "tinman" had a flirtatious Internet encounter with a mysterious character named "dancer"; stories of real-life romances begun on the Internet are told in the popular press (Smolowe, 1995). The perceived liberation from physical appearances and everyday identity become, for Van der Leun, the major attraction of "CyberSex" (Van der Leun, 1995). Scholars investigated the phenomenon of "virtual body" and textual strategies for its creation in synchronous media. As a result, Branwyn contradicted Van der Leun when she concluded, "Sexual interaction in current text-based compu-sex almost exclusively mirrors (at least as it was reported to this author) real world intercourse." (Branwyn, 1993) Wiley defined this mirroring of real life as a playful appropriation of reality (Wiley, 1995) This rebellious subversion of real life constructs a parallel universe, "shifting and suspending meaning in a reconstitution and reconfiguration of language and experience."

There are two memorable efforts in the popular press to examine how language is used by participants of Internet groups. On one hand, Sanderson's dictionary of smileys is touted as a resource for do-it-yourself Internet users wanting to put more expression into electronic messages but stands as a catalogue of creative exploitation of a very narrow channel for communication (Sanderson, 1993). On the other hand, Elmer-Dewitt condemns the prose of the Internet as "sloppy, meandering, puerile, ungrammatical, poorly spelled, badly structured and at times virtually content free." (Elmer-Dewitt, 1994) He also praises some gems, particularly the group netwriting made, "in a kind of collaborative heat, knocking ideas against one another until they spark." Ultimately, he acknowledges both the good and the bad as emerging from the environment of the Internet, a place where "written speech" is the norm, and polished prose seems stilted or pompous.

In the discipline of communication studies, much progress has been made towards understanding why and how computer-mediated-communications can be both impersonal and interpersonal, often leading to really getting to know individuals apart from socially proscribed assumptions or expectations. Walther concludes, after an extensive literature survey, that because paralingual clues during interactions are selectively presented, the self can be performed in a positive way, more completely managed than in face-to-face interactions (Walther, 1994).

The most extensive study of MOO language and culture is Lynn Cherny's dissertation-in-progress which uses a sociolinguistic approach and extensive fieldwork and documentation in the form of logs to examine daily interactions such as "back channels" to signal comprehension and involvement, representation of the body, and textual gestures. Her work is based exclusively on participants at JaysHouseMOO, which is atypical of other MOOs in that many of the participants know each other "in real life" (IRL). This unusual circumstance gives Cherny the fortunate advantage of observing gender differences in communication strategies, thus providing sociolinguistic gender studies with valuable data. (Cherny, 1994a, 1994b, 1995)

Finally, only a few scholarly works from a wide range of disciplines address the issues of Internet culture and Internet language as one and the same. Scholars in Israel have released a helpful study of playful exchanges on IRC which provides important insight into the nature of interaction in synchronous media, the potential for artistic textual expression, and the conventions of interpretation and appreciation for performance among participants. (Ruedenberg, et al., 1995; Danet, et al., in press). Mark Dery explored text and language of electronic bulletin boards and characterized smileys as the paralanguage of the Internet as participants "co-create" the place of "cyberspace", each member serving simultaneously as reader, writer, and critic (Dery, 1993). Elizabeth Reid's masters thesis examined the social power structures of several MOOs from an anthropological perspective, paying particular attention to how non-verbal cues found in face-to-face contact are "textualized" into a new system of significance. (Reid, 1994) Charles Stivale uses a comparative literature approach to examine incidents of "spam" in MOOs, and concludes that MOO participants construct community standards but lack clear means of enforcing these standards. (Stivale, 1994)

Documenting interactions with screen logs

To understand the ideological elements of everyday communication, I wanted to be able to observe and record everyday interactions with the least impact on the interactions themselves. It was obvious that MUDs and MOOs could provide me with enormous amounts of data, all effortlessly and discreetly captured in "logs" -- digital text files of transactions directly from the computer screen itself. This is a researcher's dream: compared to the tremendous difficulties involved in creating print representations of oral, face-to-face interactions, even with audio and video recorders (Fine 1984; Tedlock 1983), direct-off-the-screen logs are nearly perfect recordings of the exchanges within MUDs. The process of capturing logs is completely invisible to those being recorded, and this presents a temptation to simply never tell the participants they are unwittingly being studied. Naturally, a researcher would love to document conversations as unobtrusively as possible, thereby inducing a completely "natural context." (Goldstein 1968)

Only two dynamics of these interactions are not recorded by logs. First, the temporal dynamics of real-time interactions such as typing time and lag time are not documented. Secondly, the varied experiences of the participants at their own keyboards, in rooms scattered across the globe, the paralanguage of the Internet as participants "co-create" are both missing from the logs. However, logs taken directly from my computer screen are recordings of everything the participants intended to be perceived (and occasionally, things not intended and the responses to such unintentional spurt) -- they are complete recordings of the "performance" of MUD participants. However, such a situation is also a challenge to the researcher's sense of ethics of research in that it denies the participants the right to choose whether to be involved.

Ethics of MOO research

While some scholars feel that any communication through the Internet is fair game for study and publication, as if they were studying published materials, I understood that this attitude would not hold for research in MOOs. Though the MOOs are anonymous, participants articulate a sense of privacy about their words, descriptions and character names which is perhaps more stringent than face-to-face interactions. Long debates have taken place on MOO mail lists about the appropriateness of keeping and publishing logs (sometimes called "saving the buffer"). I realized that keeping and publishing logs of casual interactions without permission would be seen as abuse of local ethics. The participants of MOOs could effectively prevent me from doing more research by shunning, publicly scolding, or issuing a complaint against me. On the other hand, if I asked for permission to "save my buffer", the participants might agree and then stop talking. My compromise was to keep logs without notifying the participants and to study them for general patterns. From these illicit logs, general observations were made about interactions, and the logs were destroyed. I then returned to the MOOs, presenting myself as a researcher (as above), asking for demonstrations, interviews or permission to save my buffer when good examples occurred. In almost all cases, the character names of the participants were changed, making the participants doubly anonymous: first, within the MOOs and now, anonymous to those who might recognize their character names. The exception to this method is in my samples above and below featuring descriptions of characters.

On being an observer of MOOs

A researcher of MUDs and MOOs must also be a participant. Much of what goes on in the MOOs is incomprehensible to a newcomer. The only way to gain some understanding is to ask more experienced participants for help. Furthermore, asking for help requires skills in communication and "MOO manners". Most of these skills are not written down; they must be acquired. When I began my research, I was not seen as "scholar" or "foreign visitor" within the MOO. Rather, I was a "newbie" -- a newcomer -- who asked questions like all the other newbies. Newcomers who ask questions and attempt to engage with others are carefully trained by the experienced participants through demonstration and direct correction. As I gained skills, I was befriended by some of experienced participants and participated in their favorite activities. I became a contributing member of the research oriented MediaMOO, and in time took on the informal task of training newcomers myself. At that point, I realized that my project was one of a "native ethnography." My position as a member of the MOO shapes my study, the culture I examine is also something I practice daily, and the MOOs communities I study are my own communities. I study not only to understand, but also to promote the sense of "culture" of the MOOs that is real to me, and to criticize the shortcomings of "my" community. In an effort to gain some perspective, I sometimes use a character named "lmarvin", as an official representation of my research efforts. As lmarvin, I interact with characters who do not have a close association with my primary character, but I use the communication skills I've learned to avoid being labeled a "clueless newbie".

History of the MOOs and MUDs

Historians of MUDs begin their narratives with the face-to-face (FTF) games generally known as "Dungeons & Dragons." These cooperative role-playing fantasies, played in an interactive storytelling form, use images of heroic knights, magicians, elves, dwarves, dragons and monsters, castles, lonely crags, caves and dungeons to create a collective adventure. In the late 1970s and early 80s, at universities in Britain, text-based computerized games were created based on Dungeon and Dragon themes. During the 1980's, versions of these games were developed using computers linked by modems, allowing more than one player to participate (Bartle). Eventually, these games were known as "Multi-User Dungeons & Dragons", or MUD for short. However, some MUD players were spending more time socializing in these computerized environments than playing the game. (This was known as being a "Gypsy" in the MUD lexicon.) In 1989, in the United States, Jim Aspnes, a graduate student at Carnegie Mellon University, created "TinyMUD" as a weekend project. The innovation to TinyMUD was that it allowed the players to create rooms and links between room, thus making the world expandable by its participants. In addition, TinyMUD's programming made it easy to install on UNIX, the primary computer operating system used for Internet applications (Burka, 1992). From TinyMUD, several different MUD types have been created: MUCK, MUSH, MUSE, lpMUD, and MOO.

MOO was developed by Pavel Curtis, a software developer at Xerox's think tank, Palo Alto Research Campus (PARC). Curtis took Aspnes' expandable MUD concept and added a programming language, making it accessible to the participants for creating new subprograms and dimensions to the environment. This program language was of a type known as "object-oriented" (somewhat similar to Apple's HyperCard programming), and thus was called, "Mud, Object-Oriented", or MOO. The first and largest MOO is "LambdaMOO", built and maintained by Curtis, and based at Xerox. LambdaMOO went on-line in 1990, and currently has over 5,000 registered players. Most evenings it supports more than 150 players -- not without technical and social difficulties.

The name Lambda is not explained in any official communications within the environment, but it is generally assumed to be a reference to an algorithm used by software programmers. However, the word "lambda" is also a familiar symbol for gay and lesbian organizations. Perhaps drawn in by this familiar word, there has come to be a lively "queer" community at LambdaMOO, which co-exists with homophobic, curious, and/or indifferent heterosexuals. The balance of gender for participants can only be guessed based on what players claim as gender, however it appears that substantially more participants are male than female. The racial diversity of LambdaMOO is unknown. The only common factor of LambdaMOO participants which can be said with confidence is that all are comfortable with and have access to computers and the Internet, and that most are fast typists and enjoy reading.

Sample of MOO interactions

 
               (lines in CAPS here indicate typed commands)

     LOOK HERE 
     The Living Room
     It is very bright, open, and airy here, with large 
          plate-glass windows looking southward over the 
          pool to the gardens beyond. On the north wall, 
          there is a rough stonework fireplace. The east 
          and west walls are almost completely covered 
          with large, well-stocked bookcases. An exit in 
          the northwest corner leads to the kitchen and, in 
          a more northerly direction, to the entrance hall.
          The door into the coat closet is at the north end 
          of the east wall, and at the south end is a sliding 
          glass door leading out onto a wooden deck. There 
          are two sets of couches, one clustered around the 
          fireplace and one with a view out the windows.
     You see README for New MOOers, Welcome Poster, a fireplace, 
          Cockatoo, lag meter, The Birthday Machine, a map of 
          LambdaHouse, and Cigarette_Butt here.
     Killerbee, Ochra_Guest, Kumala, and Okapi are here.
     LOOK ME/LMARVIN
     A researcher in folklore, currently watching culture 
          of MUDs and MOOs. 
     E is awake and looks alert.
     lmarvin waves a virtual camera around....
     You say, "hello, folks...I'm working on a paper, and 
          wanted to include some descriptions of players...Are 
          any of you willing to have your descriptions published?"
     lmarvin [to Kumala]: would you be willing to let me put 
          your description in my paper?
     Kumala says, "knock yourself out."
     lmarvin [to Kumala]: yeah? It's okay?
     LOOK KUMALA
     You look over to see a guy standing 6'3 tall, weighing 
          250lbs. He appears to be in his late 20's, and has 
          short (spiked) hair, and green eyes. He is wearing 
          a loose fitting rugby shirt and blue jeans, as well 
          as dock shoes without socks. You can tell by his 
          large athletic frame that he played football somewere. 
          He is wearing a large button that reads---MISSING 
          Sherry from St.louise she has strawberry blond hair, 
          and stands about 5'10 tall. She is very cute, and 
          well endowed. She was last seen hitch highkin toward 
          horriable haniable. Have you seen her? 
     He see's you lookin at him and nods.
     He is awake and looks alert.
     Carrying:
          kumala quarters           The weapon
          The equalizer             Rush Foundation
     Kumala says to you, "sure...."
     lmarvin [to Kumala]: thanks....
     lmarvin takes a virtual picture of Kumala.
     Kumala tips his hat.
     Kumala grins and slaps Killerbee some skin in a high five.
     Okapi holds up a BIG sign: Hi everyone
     lmarvin [to Okapi]: i'm writing a paper...and wanted to 
          include some actual names and descriptions of 
          characters....would you be willing to let me use 
          yours?
     LOOK OKAPI
     An idiot savant - 5'3, blonde hair, wearing jamey's short 
          white lace dress with a banner that says Social Misfit 
          and red patent leather platform shoes. 
     She is awake and looks alert.
     Carrying:
          Official Husserl Pal         badge for Okapi a gift
          Book of Food Stamps           Rotary Wankel Engine
          Thing to remind Okapi that H. will get her REALLY BAD!!!
     Okapi pretends that lmarvin is admiring her
     You hear the loud beating of tribel drums, you quickly 
          turn to find the source, when you turn back Kumala is gone.
     Okapi [marvin]: sure!
     lmarvin [to Okapi]: thanks!
     Okapi . o O ( naked...? )
     Ochre_Guest [=]: 
     lmarvin grins. "Okay..thanks, everybody."
     lmarvin waves.
     GO NORTHWEST
     The Kitchen
     The kitchen is of a modern design, very large and well-lit, 
          yet still homey and comfortable. The walls are covered in 
          beautiful natural-wood cabinets and the stove is set into 
          a large 'island' counter in the center of the room. Over 
          the sink, along the south wall, there are windows looking 
          out onto the pool and gardens. There are doors in the north 
          wall leading into the dining room, a sliding glass door to 
          the south, and a doorway in the northeast corner leading 
          out into the entrance hall. 
     You see cookbook, the kitchen sink, Scraps of Paper, vent,
          Microwave, a refrigerator, dishwasher, cuisinart, 
          plate of cookies, and a piece of Saran Wrap(tm) here.
     GO SOUTH
     The Kitchen Patio
     This patio is ringed with rosebeds. To the southeast you 
          can see the swimming pool, north is a sliding glass door 
          to the kitchen, and a path leads west through the roses. 
          A magnificent oak tree to the south towers over the patio. 
          The area is lit by lights from the kitchen.
     You see Mazer's cricket ball, tennis ball, and Ball-buddy here.

Basic Commands

     To log into a MOO:
          telnet (address) (port)
          connect guest

     To communicate to anyone in the same virtual 'room'
          say (whatever) or "(whatever)
          emote (whatever) or :(whatever)

     To find other players logged in
          @who @where (player)

     To speak to players logged in, but not in the same room
          page (player) (message of any length)

     To see a description of a room, person, or object
          look (here, me, thing, player)
          examine (here, me, thing, player)

     To manipulate an object
          get (thing) hand (thing) to (player)
          drop (thing)

     To move into another room
          go (direction) @join (player) @go (number)

     To log out of the MOO:
          @quit

MOO-words

Participants use the term "MOO" in a variety of ways. The expression "the MOO" can refer to the social world, as in, "I was in the MOO when I found out about the storm." It can also refer, in a more restricted sense, to the software program which controls the world, as in, "The MOO won't let me recycle other people's objects." It is often appended to words to specify objects, practices, or experiences within the MOO as opposed to "real life" (which is usually referred to as "RL" or "IRL" for "in real life"). For example, the people who participate in MOOs are referred to as MOOers, MOOsters, MOO-men and women. The prefix is used to create the words MOOmail, MOOcode, MOOhome, MOOtalk, MOOsex, and MOOrape.

The term "MOOrape" is very controversial within the MOO communities. MOOrape is a textual attack by one participant on another, distinguished from "spam" (explained in detail later in this paper) by its sexual content or explicit description of a rape act. Some participants object to the expression MOOrape on the grounds that it belittles the experience of actual rape. In my observation, MOO participants are careful to mark MOOrape as such, rarely using the word "rape" for MOOrape except in a non-ambiguous context.

MOO can refer to an aesthetic sense, a proper way to do things in concordance with the technology and culture. This is expressed with, "That's good MOO, that program. It is a very MOOish thing to do." Finally, "MOO" is used as a verb, to describe the act of participating in the virtual reality, as in "I was MOOing this afternoon."

While the one expression "MOO" has many uses and meanings, there are many expressions for "participant" in the MOO lexicon. "Participant", as used here to indicate a person involved with MOO as well as his or her represented character, is never used by MOOers themselves. MOOwords for participant include: MOOer, player, character, morph and typist. "Player" refers to a single object, with a unique number, programmed to be used as a "character" with its associated "morphs" under the control of a "typist" "Player" is a technical term, part of the core of the programming language, and frequently used in official documents such as the "help manners" text. "Character" means the developed form of the player object, with its gender, description and name. "Morphs" are alternate characters, all attached to the same player. The "typist" is the actual human being, the person at the keyboard who controls the player, designs its character and morphs, and selects its gender setting. Access to a player is treated like a bank account or email account, with a password. See the glossary for further vocabulary.

A glossary of MOO words

MOOs and gaming

There is a common perception, held by people not involved with MOOs, that the MOOs are "games". Experienced and deeply involved members of the MOOs will emphatically refute this. "The MOO is not a game," they contend, correctly pointing out that there are no points, nor win-lose objectives. Pavel Curtis, the creator of LambdaMOO uses the term "social virtual reality" which suggests that the objective is to be social. Many MOOs, such as Diversity University, BioMOO, and MediaMOO are professional in orientation. These worlds are constructed as virtual university campuses, or corporate research parks; participants frequently use their actual names. However, even when constructed for a professional purpose, MOOs are playful environments. The first MUDs were adventure games based on the face-to-face game, Dungeons and Dragons and elements of the gaming origins of MUDs linger in the MOOs. The most obvious trace of these gaming origins are in the names for participants, in the programming code: participants are known as "players", administrators as "wizards". Many participants present themselves as characters from science fiction and fantasy books, movies, comics, and adventure games.

Another misperception of MOOs is that they are "chat" channels, equivalent to Internet-Relay-Chat (IRC). Like IRC, the MUDs are synchronous and both forms share many of the same conventions of virtual conversation. However, chat channels and IRC lack the hypertextual environment of MUDs and MOOs. The textually represented rooms, objects, and personae exist independently of the participants. An IRC channel without participants doesn't exit -- it must be made a new each time conversation stops (Danet, et al., in press)

Sample Four

      a     Cockatoo squawks, "I think they removed the Spoof FO."
     b     spoon nods in greeting...
     c     Fork says, "Ack.. Now I just found a server that offers 
               real-time traffic reports of certain highways in San 
               Diego, Los angeles, and "Orange country""
     *
     d     Spoof FO.. what Spoof FO..?
     *
     e     lmarvin blinks..."hey, who spoofed?!"
     f     A thundering voice rumbles through the room and says: 
               "God did!"
     g     lmarvin looks up.
     h     ya.. god..
     *
     i     spoon smacks himself hard and often.
     j     lmarvin looks at spoon.
     k     spoon . o O ( what the hell am i doing up .. this is 
               sunday... or is it? )
     l     spoon lurks...
     m     Cockatoo squawks, "Neuro is spoofing, I think."
     n     lmarvin says, "not only spoofing..but lurking too, spoon?"
     o     Spoofing?
     p     spoon lurks innocently...
     q     Plate teleports in.
     r     Guest comes out of the closet (so to speak...).
     s     lmarvin says, "actually...i am right at this moment, 
               doing a study on 'spoofing' in the moo..."
     t     lmarvin asks, "how come spoofing is illegal?"
     u     Guest says, "whats spoofing?""
               *
     v     Plate says, "this is spoofing""
     w     A can of Spam tromps into the room.
     x     The can of Spam locates it's target.
     y      The can begins making noises like it's gonna hack up a 
               spitwad.
               *
     a2     The can of Spam suddenly spews a stream of unwanted text 
               at Guest, tattoos a knockwurst on its forehead, then 
               floors it out of the room as fast as it can go. 
     b2     Plate [to Guest]: Thats spoofing :) 
     c2     Guest gasps 
     d2     A blast of noise and light rips through the fabric of 
               time and space, leaving a wake of damage in its path. 
               Knife is crawling from the wreckage.
     e2     lmarvin says, "its kinda bad cause you can get people 
               into trouble by impersonating them...
     f2     Haakon appears in a puff of magic.
     g2     Knife is on the scene.
     h2     Haakon say, "Ok, who is spoofing?"
     i2     A roll of toilet paper flies through the room and says: 
               "This is spoofing, some silly thing and you don't know 
               who is doing it..."
     j2     Plate [to lmarvin]: Oh that spoofing I can't even 
               begin to do that...
               *
     k2      Fork says, "Haakon says, "Someone better answer up! And 
               quick!""
               *
     l2     Knife [to spoon]: We gotta a spoofer around here?
     m2     Fork grins.
               *
     n2     Plate raises his hand and shouts "ME! Me! ME! ME!"
     o2     Fork sighs loudly.
     p2     lmarvin asks, "hey...does anybody object if i save 
               these last lines about spoofing...for my paper?"
     q2     spoon [to Knife]: a couple.. none dangerous...
     r2     Plate says, "Nope"
     s2     Guest is totally lost
     t2     Knife whips out his spoofer-detecter 

programmed spoofing

Both programming skills and programmed routines are shared between participants of MOO communities. When participants create routines which are helpful and effective, and/or playful and entertaining, these programs are distibuted through devices such as "generic objects" or "features". Programming mistakes, problems, and bad design are reported back to the orginal creator who makes revisions which can be immediately enjoyed by the users.

Access to "spoofing" programs is shared between players with an aura of the illicit, like trading contraband. Warnings about appropriate use are included whenever newer participants discover such programs. For example, darkrider of LambdaMOO built a warning message into his feature:

dr's IMpolite spoofer...I feel that judicious use of a spoofer that does not attribute the text to a person can be amusing and artfully done. HANDLE with CARE!
Some time after the feature was created, darkrider amended it to be unusable in certain high public rooms:
In response to a bitch from Gilmore, I made it so that the sp*oof verb on #62821, my most-used feature, would not work in #17, he said that it was being used too often to confuse newer people, etc, who often hang there. If anyone wants it disabled in other places, or for other specific lame people, give me a page or better yet, some MOOmail and I'm on it.

LambdaMOO's "Help Manners" Document

     ==== DON'T ABUSE OTHER PLAYERS =====
     The MOO is a fun place to socialize, program, and play 
     as long as people are polite to each other. Rudeness 
     and harassment make LambdaMOO less pleasant for 
     everyone. Do not harass or abuse other players, using 
     any tactic including:

     * Spamming (filling their screen with unwanted text)

     * Teleporting them or their objects without consent

     * Emoted violence or obscenities

     * Shouting (sending a message to all connected players): 
     Don't shout unless you have something everyone needs to 
     hear. This basically means emergency system messages 
     from wizards.

     * Spoofing (causing messages to appear that are not 
     attributed to your character): Spoofs can be funny and 
     expressive when used with forethought. If you spoof, 
     use a polite version than announces itself as a spoof 
     promptly, and use it sparingly. See `help spoofing' for 
     more information. 

     * Spying: Don't create or use spying devices. If you 
     reset your teleport message, make sure it is set to 
     something, so that you don't teleport silently. Besides 
     having a disorienting effect on people, silent 
     teleportation is a form of spying.

     * Sexual harassment (particularly involving unsolicited 
     acts which simulate rape against unwilling 
     participants): Such behavior is not tolerated by the 
     LambdaMOO community. A single incidence of such an act 
     may, as a consequence of due process, result in 
     permanent expulsion from LambdaMOO.

Bibliography

Anderson, C. (1994, May). Cyberspace offers chance to do 'virtually' real science. Science, 264, pp. 900-901

Bakhtin, M.M. (1952). The Problem of Speech Genres. In Speech Genres and Other Late Essays (V. McGee, Trans.). (1986 ed.). Austin: University of Texas Press.

Barlow, J.P. (1995, March-April). Is There a There in Cyberspace? Utne Reader, 68, pp. 53-56.

Bartle, Richard. (undated). The Real History of the MUDs. MUDDex. (URL: http://www.ccs.neu.edu/home/lpb/muddex.html)

Bateson, G. (1972). A Theory of Play and Fantasy in Steps To An Ecology of Mind. New York: Ballantine Books.

Branwyn, G. (1993). Compu-Sex: Erotica for Cybernauts. The Southern Atlantic Quarterly, 92, 778-791.

Bruckman, A. & Resnick, M. (1993, May). Virtual Professional Community: Results from the MediaMOO Project. Paper presented at 3CYBERCONF, the Third International Conference on Cyberspace, Austin, TX. (ftp.media.mit.edu).

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