JCMC 8 (4) July 2003
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Gratification Niches of Monthly Print Magazines and the World Wide Web Among a Group of Special-Interest Magazine Subscribers
Quint Randle
Brigham Young University, USA
- Abstract
- Introduction
- Theoretical Framework
- Uses and Gratifications of Magazines and the Web
- Research Questions
- Method
- Findings & Discussion
- Displacement vs. Complementary Effect
- Factor Analysis and Gratification Dimensions
- Niche Breath of the Web and Magazines
- Niche Overlap
- Niche Superiority
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgments
- References
- About the Author
Abstract
Through the framework of niche theory, this study compared the gratification niches of monthly print magazines and the World Wide Web through a survey administered to 371 subscribers of a special-interest magazine. The findings suggest that the Web offers a wider array of gratifications than magazines, and delivers them in a superior fashion. The Web excels among cognitive, task-oriented uses; while magazines hold their ground for more affective, self-oriented uses.
Introduction
At this point in time there seem to be mixed messages regarding the Web's displacing rather than complementing traditional print magazines. One study conducted by Starcom, the media buying unit of Leo Burnett Co., blamed the Internet for an apparent sharp fall-off in large consumer magazine readership (Staff, 1999). The trend suggested by the Starcom study was still evident in 2001 with the Top 25 ABC-audited magazines losing circulation (down 3.5%) (M.P.A., 2003). Meanwhile, magazine publishers are trying to find ways to best capitalize on the Internet without cannibalizing their own readership and advertisers (Marlatt 2001; Woodard 2001). According to a survey in Folio Magazine, a leading trade publication, 54.5 percent of the sampled magazine professionals felt that the integration of print and digital media was a top issue facing the industry, second only to circulation economics (2001).
But there is also evidence that the magazine industry is thriving with a plethora of new magazine launches. Five thousand, two hundred consumer magazines were distributed nationally in 1998, more than double the 2,500 that were distributed in 1985 (Anthony, 1998). In 1998, there were more new magazine launches than ever before: 1,076 new consumer magazines. In 2001 the growth was not as robust, but still healthy: 702 consumer magazine launches (Husni, 1999, 2002). According to Husni, the Internet and cable television are driving consumer interest in niche subjects that are becoming more and more specialized.
The question remains, however, if this growth and consumer interest in print magazines can be sustained with the increasing penetration of Internet households (Netratings, 2001b), growing carrier bandwidth (Staff, 2001), and quality of Internet Web sites. This dilemma leads to several broad questions: What are advantages of the Web that might displace print magazine use? What constitutes the apparent continuing lure of print magazines? How do the two media overlap?
My purpose in conducting the study reported here was to measure the potential for competition and displacement between traditional monthly print magazines and World Wide Web, within the framework of niche theory. This study also set out to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Web and print magazines relative to one another on gratification dimensions.
Theoretical Framework
Niche theory provides an appropriate framework to examine to what degree the Web and print magazines compete at a functional level for audience attention. Based in population ecology, niche theory explains how animal populations compete for resources within a defined environment and can provide general predictions as to the potential for coexistence or extinction (Arthur, 1987; Stiling, 1999; Whitaker & Levin, 1975). It has been borrowed and adapted in a variety of fields including marketing and media studies. The first published application of the theory to mass media appeared in a Journal of Communication article (Dimmick & Rothenbuhler, 1984, Winter) and in a book chapter that same year (Dimmick & Rothenbuhler, 1984).
Since that time, the effectiveness of cable television’s entrance into the marketplace (Dimmick, Patterson, & Albarran, 1992), the video industry (Albarran & Dimmick, 1993; Dimmick, 1997), media preferences (Dimmick, 1993), new media ventures (Dimmick & Wallschlaeger, 1986), as well as telephone and email use (Dimmick, Kline, & Stafford, 2000) have been studied. Other recent applications by other authors, building further on niche theory and its application to both new and old media, include the impact of intermedia and newspaper competition on advertising sales (Shaver & Lacy, 1999), the Web as a new marketing channel in comparison to catalogs and retail stores (Li, 2000), and the displacement of old media by online media within the home (Kayany & Yelsma, 2000).
Some of the above studies have utilized the theory of the niche, combined with measurement and factor analysis methodologies of the uses and gratifications perspective (Blumler & Katz, 1974), to measure consumer gratifications of new and old media. The first phase is to identify and measure the various dimensions of gratifications. The data are then analyzed utilizing theory of the niche formulae to calculate the breadth of a medium’s niche (range of use), overlap of media use (to what degree they fulfill the same needs), and to ascertain competitive strengths and weaknesses from the perspective of individual gratifications. This study follows a similar pattern, comparing the gratification niches of conventional magazine use to those of the World Wide Web.
In terms of user gratifications, a medium's niche can be measured in three ways. The data stem from the ratings obtained on gratification statements for both media.
Niche Breadth
Niche breadth refers to the relationship of a population to its environment: where it sits in relation to others so to speak. Populations utilizing narrower niche breadths are called specialists, while those utilizing more categories along a specific dimension, or a wider niche breadth, are called generalists. In this study, niche breadth measures how generalized or specialized a medium is perceived to be. A high score suggests generalism, while a low score indicates specialism. Breadth is calculated utilizing a modified niche formula (Dimmick et al., 2000):
![]()
Where: u, l = the upper and lower bounds of a scale (5 and 1)
GO = a gratification obtained rating on a scale
N = the number of respondents using a medium
n = the first respondent
K = the number of scales on a dimension
k = the first gratification scale
Niche Overlap
Niche overlap refers to the degree of dependence two populations have on the same resources (Dimmick & Rothenbuhler, 1984, Winter, p. 106). Or in other words, it quantifies the degree of competition between two populations (assuming resources are finite). An inverse measure, low values indicate high similarity between the two media. The formula for niche overlap is calculated and further defined as follows (Dimmick et al., 2000):
![]()
Where:i, j = medium i and medium j
GO = a gratification obtained rating on a scale for i and j
N = the number of respondents who use both i and j
n = the first respondent
Niche Superiority
The third niche measure suggests which of the two media being tested is perceived to be better or more efficient at fulfilling a specific gratification. As one medium’s superiority score increases over another medium’s score, the better it fulfills that gratification, compared to the other medium (Dimmick et al., 2000). Dimmick’s formula for niche superiority is as follows:
Niche Superiority (© 1985, J. Dimmick)
Superiority Si > j =
![]()
Superiority S i=
![]()
Where:mi>j = the value of a respondent’s rating for those scale items on which i is rated greater than j (the sum of the actual values)
i, j = medium i and j
mj>i = the value of a respondent’s rating for those scale items on which j is rated greater than i (the sum of the actual values)K = the number of scales on a dimension
k = the first gratification scale
N = the number of respondents who use both i and j
n = the first respondent
Uses and Gratifications of Magazines and the Web
The uses and gratifications approach (Blumler & Katz, 1974) to the study of media comprises a large body of work that is long-standing and well-documented (McQuail, 1984; Palmgreen, 1984). This perspective has also been used increasingly in studying Internet use alone as well as its effect on traditional media (Charney & Greenberg, 1999; Eighmey, 1997; Eighmey & McCord, 1998; Korgaonkar & Wolin, 1999; LaFerle, Edwards, & Lee, 2000; Perse & Dunn, 1998). However, the uses and gratifications of monthly print magazines have not received extensive attention (Payne, J.H., & Dozier, 1988; Schmidt, 1980, Spring). Earlier magazine-only studies focused on more general use: consumer and news magazines (Towers & Hartung, 1985), readership of news magazines (Towers, 1987) and trade versus consumer magazines (Payne et al., 1988). More recent magazine-only research has been extremely specific: cancer information seekers (Johnson & Meischke, 1993) and African-American teen female readers (Duke, 2000). But compared to other major media, magazine gratification studies are relatively few and far between.
And although magazines have been included in some recent cross-media and new media studies on functional equivalence (Stempel, Hargrove, & Bernt, 2000), they have been excluded in others (Kayany & Yelsma, 2000; Perse & Dunn, 1998) or grouped together with other print media (LaFerle et al., 2000; Perse & Courtright, 1993). And even in the studies where magazines were included, the researchers were often concerned with weekly news magazines; typical monthly magazine research is scarcer still.
The uses and gratifications of magazines identified by some of the earlier quantitative, magazine-specific research comprise three major dimensions, along with gratification statements, much like dimensions identified in research of other media: surveillance, interaction and diversion (Payne et al., 1988).
Some correlative work has been done wherein certain gratifications were more likely to be identified by subscribers to one type of magazine compared to other types of magazines and single copy readers as opposed to subscribers. For example, Towers (1987) found that the diversion dimension predicted the use of consumer magazines and the surveillance and interaction dimensions predicted the use of news magazines such as Time, Newsweek and U.S. News and World Report. Payne, Severn and Dozier (1988) reported an association between surveillance and the use of trade magazines and between diversion-seeking and the use of consumer magazines.
Prior to the development of measurement items for this study, one question asked was: what gratifications identified in Internet studies are similar to those of conventional print magazines? Since there were many similarities found in the previous cross-media comparison of traditional media (Towers, 1986), one would assume that there would be similarities for Web use.
Charney and Greenberg (1999) identified eight dimensions of Internet use gratification. These included Keeping Informed, Diversion-Entertainment, Peer Identity, Good Feelings, Communication, Sites and Sounds, and Career and Coolness. By far the greatest factor was Keeping Informed, which explained 39% of the variance. The remaining factors each explained less than 10% of the variance.
The Keeping Informed dimension may seem most similar to the original magazine dimension of Surveillance: however, this Internet dimension of Keeping Informed included several statements such as “to get information about products or services” and “to get information to pass on to other people” that originally loaded on other factors in the magazine research by Towers: diversion and interaction.
Clearly, a general cross-comparison between the Web and magazines is not easy to do because of the apparent increased number of dimensions (eight as opposed to three) and the new capabilities of interpersonal communication and interactivity provided by the Web. Of the 46 statements included in the factor analysis from Charney and Greenberg’s Internet study, only six or seven of the original 14 magazine uses and gratifications statements could be reasonably identified in the new Internet study. In other words, the uses and gratifications of the Internet vs. that of magazines, or the potential niche breadth and overlap as defined within the theory of the niche, are not quickly identified by comparing previously used gratifications statements. Furthermore, this Internet study had respondents rate how often they got on the Internet to satisfy these needs (statements), whereas the previous magazine research collected by Towers asked respondents how much they agreed or disagreed with the statements. It is not known what effect this may have had on the findings and differences.
One of the weaknesses of previous magazine gratification research is the repeated use of existing measures (Payne et al., 1988). For example, the 14 statements utilized by Towers were taken from newspaper and radio studies and modified (Towers, 1987). Other magazine studies seem to have modified the uses and gratifications of newspapers and other media to fit the magazine study at hand. However, Palmgreen (1984) warns that continually using the same measures as new media evolve is unwise, as these measures may become obsolete due to the functions of the new media. As new media have entered the environment over the last two decades, the uses and gratifications of magazines may have changed. Thus any study comparing magazine and Internet uses should use both pre- and post-new media gratification statements from other studies as well as those garnered from a qualitative pre-survey.
Research Questions
- After adoption of the Internet, do Web users report more, less or an equal amount of magazine use?
- What are the gratification dimensions for users of both mediA?
- As measured by niche breadth, what is the degree of specialism or generalism for magazines and the Web across all dimensions and for the individual gratification dimensions?
- As measured by the niche overlap, what is the level of similarity between magazines and the Web perceived by users of both media?
- On what dimensions does Web use provide superior gratification to print magazines and vice versa? And to what degree do this comparative superiority point to displacement or coexistence?
Method
The research questions were answered through exploratory factor analysis and the results of niche breadth, overlap and superiority measures. For question one, displacement was operationalized through one question: Since becoming a WWW user, has the amount of time you spend reading magazines increased, remained the same, or decreased?
Survey Instrument
The survey instrument consisted of 50 questions in three sections. The first section measured Web, magazine and some other mass media use levels. The second section asked for evaluations of magazines and Web use on 35 gratification statements. The final section asked demographic questions.
The 35 gratification statements featured 5-point Likert scales for each medium (magazines and the Web). The statements originated from past magazine gratifications research, a recent Internet uses and gratifications study, and statements obtained through a qualitative pre-survey. More specifically, these measures consisted of thirteen statements from Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988), one statement from Towers (1985), ten non-redundant Internet use statements from Charney and Greenberg (1999), and eleven Internet-oriented uses statements from an extensive qualitative pre-survey of 283 Internet users who were asked why they visited the Web sites of print publications. In the pre-survey, nearly 500 statements were gathered through open-ended questions. The statements were scanned by the author for themes that reflected items not present in previous magazine-only statements that were available on both media. Statements selected from the Internet gratifications study and pre-survey were generally applicable to both media in the first place; several statements were slighlty modified so they were applicable across both media. (See Table 1 below.)
Uses and Gratification Statement Source They give me information on job matters Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help me with my job Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They teach me about common issues Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They offer immediate news Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help me keep abreast of events Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help me understand what is going on Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help me be happy Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help me relax Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They offer companionship Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help improve my lifestyle Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help pass time Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They offer interesting stories (to tell to others) Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They offer information to pass on to others Payne, Severn & Dozier (1988) They help me find products through advertisements Towers (1985) They help me get information about weather, stocks and sports Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to combat boredom Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to play Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to gain status Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to meet new people Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to feel important Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to feel good Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to look at interesting graphics and pages Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to learn about famous people Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to live out a fantasy Charney & Greenberg (1999) They help me to look at photos Pre-Survey They help me because they are convenient Pre-Survey They help me to get information quickly Pre-Survey They help me to locate exactly what I’m looking for Pre-Survey They help me follow up and get in-depth information Pre-Survey They help me to contact authors and editors Pre-Survey They help me locate past and future articles Pre-Survey They help me because they are economical Pre-Survey They help me to express my opinion Pre-Survey They help me by being readily accessible Pre-Survey They help me to make buying decisions Pre-Survey
Table 1. Sources of uses and gratification statements.
Administration and Sample
The survey was administered to 1250 subscribers to a monthly special interest magazine with a U.S. circulation of 50,000. The magazine is targeted at semi-professional and professional musicians, and is owned by a major publisher with more than 300 titles worldwide. Based on the demographics promoted in its advertising sales kit, the magazine subscribers were predominantly male, of an average age of 36, more than 60% of whom used the Internet to access manufacturers' Web sites.
Niche studies require a comparison between two media. Thus, the goal was to capture a group of respondents that used both magazines and the Web. While not immediately generalizable to the entire Internet population, this population is a valid choice because it is representative of typical Web users. The population was also deemed more generalizable than readers of technological or computer magazines. Readers of computer magazines may have been too Internet-savvy, skewing the results. Thus, the population was judged to be balanced enough to enable the effective execution of the survey, since it required users of both media. It should also be noted that respondents were asked about their overall magazine and Web use, not just use related to the subject of the magazine.
The data were gathered through two separate administrations of a self-report questionnaire to two subsets of the same target population. First, 500 readers were selected at random (every nth) from the master subscriber list and mailed a print version of the survey with accompanying postage-paid reply envelope. Seven hundred and fifty subscribers were invited to participate in a Web-based version of the survey via email. This group comsisted of readers who had previously registered for interactive content on the magazine’s Web site.
The survey was administered to the two subsets in the manner described above for several reasons. The first was to obtain as substantial a variation as possible in Web use among respondents. While a niche study does require that participants use both media, a single administration of the survey over the Web to a Web-based group might skew results by attracting heavy Web users. Second, a Web-based survey could create response bias due to the survey instrument itself. Participants taking the survey on the Internet might rate the Internet more favorably simply because they were taking the survey over the Internet. The additional mail administration of the survey would allow the isolation and identification of this confounding variable if it existed.
To increase the response rate among both samples, a $100 prize was offered. According to several studies, such incentives increase response rate but do not result in response bias (Armstrong, 1975; Goetz, Tyler, & Cook, 1984). For the Web group sample, an initial invitation was sent via e-mail along with two later reminders at 10-day intervals; IP addresses were collected to reduce the likelihood that individuals took the survey more than once.
Response Rate
One hundred and fifty-five mail surveys were returned, yielding a gross response rate of 36% based on good addresses. Three were returned incomplete while 13 were from non-Web users, and these latter were excluded from analysis. A response rate of 36% is consistent with current mail survey trends. However, the fact that 92% of all of the respondents were Web and magazine users suggests that non-Web users were much less likely to return the survey than Web users. If you take into account the original figures provided by the publishers, that 60% of the magazine’s subscribers were Web users, then the net response rate for dual users was probably much higher.
Since the Web survey was administered over the Internet to a subset of magazine subscribers, all respondents were magazine and Web users. 750 were invited to participate with 233 completing the survey — a response rate of 31%. While this was not as high as the mailed survey it was deemed satisfactory compared to other Internet studies; not as high as some, but higher than others (Cook, Heath, & Thompson, 2000; Schillewaert, Langerak, & Duhamel, 1998).
Description of Sample
Eighty-nine percent of the respondents (N = 371) were male while 11% were female. The mean age was 40 years. Twenty-six percent spent one-two hours visiting Web sites each week, followed closely by “more than five hours” (24%) and “two-three hours” (24%). These frequency figures are in line with the nearly three hours per week average reported by Nielsen//Netratings (2001a).
Between the two sample subsets, mail survey respondents tended to be lighter Web users with greater numbers than expected logging two hours of use and less. Conversely, those that took the survey via the Internet tended to be heavier users with greater numbers than expected visiting Web sites for three hours or more each week (df = 4, c2= 21.86, p< .001). Even so, this heavier use among the Web respondents is not substantially greater than the nearly three hours per week average from Netratings reported earlier.
Forty-one percent of the respondents had been accessing the Web from “One to Three Years”, followed by 39% at “Four to Six Years,” 16% at “More Than Six Years.” Only 4% were relatively new users at “Less Than a Year.” This purposive sample was more experienced than the typical Web user found in the national random sample of the UCLA study (Cole, 2000). Subjects subscribed to just more than three weekly or monthly printed magazines (M = 3.27, SD = 1.88). They also reported buying between one and two magazines (M= 1.36, SD= 1.39) on a single-copy basis over the past month (newsstand, convenience store, etc.) Both of these seem to be slightly higher than the vague averages reported by the Magazine Publishers of America (2000).
Findings & Discussion
Displacement vs. Complementary Effect
In answering RQ 1, seventeen percent reported that their magazine use had decreased (n= 64) since becoming a Web user, while nearly 13% (n= 48) reported that their magazine use had increased. The vast majority (70%, n= 258) estimated that their magazine use had remained the same. The finding that 17% report a reduction in magazine use since becoming Web users suggests a displacement effect. It mirrors other studies identifying from where Web users get their time to spend on the Internet (FIND/SVP, 1997). However, 13% reported an increase in magazine use, just a few points lower than those reporting less use. These numbers seem to confirm what some magazine industry observers have been alluding to as well; there is a complementary-catalyst effect occurring for some users.
The key question this raises is what are the specific differences — demographic and otherwise — between those citing decreasing and increasing use? However, there was no significant difference between increasing and decreasing users in the amount of time spent on the Web (about 3.5 hours per week). In fact, this level for both groups is significantly higher than the Web use of those who reported their magazine use had remained the same — about two hours (df= 2, F= 5.24, p< .01). This further supports the idea of both a displacing and complementary relationship. Increasing (complementarity) and decreasing magazine users (displacement) report higher Web use while those reporting static magazine use the Web at a lower level. This complementary, catalyst effect has also been noted in a study by Robinson and Barth (1997).
Factor Analysis and Gratification Dimensions
The niche formulae require the gratification constructs be identified via principal axis factor analysis (Dobos & Dimmick, 1988). Separate factor anyalyses of the 35 gratification statements were run for each medium. An oblique rotation was used because media gratifications factors are known to be correlated. An oblique rotation allows for inter-correlation among factors, while othogonal rotations assume the factors are uncorrelated (Gorsuch, 1983). Like previous gratifications studies (Dimmick et al., 2000), a factor loading of at least .30 (Gorsuch, 1983) was required for a statement to be considered part of a factor. For both factor analyses – Web and magazines - a visual examination of the scree plot suggested only two factors (Green, Salkind, & Akey, 2000). Resulting Eigenvalues for the two factors were 11.43 and 2.85 for the Web and 9.67 and 2.92 for magazines. The total variance explained for the Web factors was 41% and 36% for magazines.
In the separate factor analyses, 18 statements loaded cleanly on the strongest factor, identified as a cognitive/task-oriented dimension. Fourteen other statements loaded cleanly on the second factor, identified as an affective/self-oriented dimension. The alpha reliability scores for the scales created from these factors were relatively high, ranging from .88 to .90, supporting the reliability of the constructs. (See Table 2 for the factor loadings, variance explained and reliability scores.)
COGNITIVE/TASK-ORIENTED FACTOR Web Magazine … to offer information to pass on to others .57 .52 … to help me understand what is going on .59 .48 … to offer immediate news .62 .63 … to locate exactly what I'm looking for .77 .64 … they are economical .49 .47 … to keep abreast of events .68 .65 … to give me information about job manners .59 .75 … by being readily accessible .61 .56 … to teach me about common issues .60 .44 … because they are convenient .66 .47 … offer interesting stories to pass on .49 .37 … to get in-depth information .74 .63 … to locate past and future articles .50 .58 … to help me with my job .53 .72 … to find products through ads .45 .44 … to get info quickly .85 .80 … to make buying decisions .59 .50 … to get info like weather, stocks and sports .52 .40 Variance explained .33 .28 Alpha reliability .90 .89 AFFECTIVE/SELF-ORIENTED FACTOR Web Magazine … to offer companionship .59 .57 … to improve the quality of my lifestyle .41 .43 … to look at photos .52 .65 … to play .58 .48 … to gain status .51 .37 … to learn about famous people .53 .51 … to be happy .60 .66 … to combat boredom .67 .71 … to live out a fantasy .75 .59 … to feel important .74 .51 … to help me pass time .70 .77 … to relax .48 .67 … to look at interesting graphics and pages .45 .42 … to feel good .72 .67 Variance explained .08 .08 Alpha reliability .89 .88
Table 2. Factor loadings and scale construction for Web and magazine gratifications.
Again, note that these loaded cleanly in the single factor analysis for the Web, but the same statement loaded on the same factor in a separate factor analysis for magazines as well. Only three statements did not load cleanly or in a parallel fashion. These were “to express my opinion,” “to contact authors and editors” and “to meet new people.” These statements seemed to be interactive in nature, so it was not surprising that they did not load cleanly across both media, since magazines are not interactive nor do they serve as a communication channel in the same way the Internet does. These three statements were not included in the factors or the analysis.
Niche Breadth of the Web and Magazines
With the niche breadth formula, the closer to 1.0, the more generalized a medium is - the wider the spectrum of needs it is capable of satisfying. In total, the Web (.66) has broader gratification potential than magazines (.48). However, most of the difference is along the cognitive dimension. (See Table 3 below.) The Web is perceived to serve a much wider spectrum of cognitive needs and gratifications than magazines – by 21 points. Meanwhile, the two media are just two points apart on the affective dimension. So while the Web is clearly perceived to offer a wider degree of cognitive gratification, the two media are perceived equally along the affective dimension.
Factor Web Magazines Cognitive 0.71 0.50 Affective 0.44 0.42 Total Niche Breadth 0.66 0.48 (weighted by variance explained)
Table 3. Niche breadth for the Web and magazines dimensions.
Niche Overlap
Research question four asked how similar or different print magazines and the Web are perceived to be based on the niche overlap measure. Low values denote a state of substitutability (they can serve the same functions) while high values suggest that a state of complementarity exists.
Total as well individual dimension niche overlap scores are presented in Table 4 below. Overlap scores from other niche studies suggest that an overlap score of 1.31 or less indicates a strong level of competition or substitutability. Thus, a relatively high level of substitutability is seen for the affective dimension, but less so along the cognitive factor. A score signifying total dissimilarity would be 5.0; thus, with the scores being between one and two, these two media are certainly perceived to more alike than dissimilar. These scores seem to substantiate empirically some of the fears expressed by magazine editors in recent surveys and articles about the potential of the Web to replace magazines (Folio, 2001; Marlatt, 1999; Marlatt, 2001; Woodard, 2001).
Factor Overlap Cognitive 1.75 Affective 1.11 Total Niche Overlap 1.61 (weighted by variance explained)
Table 4. Niche overlap for the Web and magazine dimensions.
Niche Superiority
While niche overlap measures the degree of perceived similarity, and niche breadth indicates which medium offers more gratification, they do not measure which medium is superior at providing gratification. The superiority score is defined as an arithmetic mean, so any differences can be tested for significance using a t-test for correlated groups. As shown in the table below, the Web is considered to be much superior along the cognitive dimension and in total, but the two media are rated equally along the affective dimension. In sum, these scores suggest that the Web is a real threat to magazines in these more cognitive functions, but not as much so in the affective functions.
Factor Web Magazines p t Cognitive 40.83 10.50 <.01 21.25 Affective 11.88 10.26 .09 1.67 Total Superiority Score 34.75 10.45 <.01 19.08
Table 5. Niche superiority values and T-tests for Web and magazines (df = 371).
Another way to better reveal what might be driving increasing or decreasing magazine use is by examining these same niche superiority scores, but split by decreasing, static and increasing magazine users. See Table 6.
Cognitive Superiority Means Group Web Magazine p t df Decreasing Magazine Users (n = 64) 51.84 5.61 <.01 15 63 Static Magazine Users (n = 258) 37.99 11.5 <.01 15.74 257 Increasing Magazine Users (n = 47) 41.17 11.58 <.01 7.5 47 Affective Superiority Means Group Web Magazine p t df Decreasing Magazine Users (n = 64) 21.11 6.34 <.01 6.46 63 Static Magazine Users (n = 258) 9.29 10.92 0.13 1.51 257 Increasing Magazine Users (n = 47) 13.29 12 0.16 0.44 47
Table 6. T-tests on niche superiority scores grouped by decreasing, static and increasing magazine users.
Decreasing, static and increasing magazine users all rate Web niche superiority substantially, and significantly higher than magazines. But on the affective dimension, only decreasing magazine users rate the Web higher than magazines. Static and increasing users rate them the same. This leads to the notion that there is something about increasing and static magazine users that allows them to appreciate the cognitive functions of the Web without decreasing their magazine use. Meanwhile, there is something about the affective function of magazines that seems to be replaced by the Web among decreasing magazine users. But static and increasing magazine users rate the two mediums equally along the affective dimension. In sum, since all types rate the Web higher along the cognitive dimension, a decrease in the perception of the affective dimension of magazines seems to be associated more strongly with decreasing magazine use and a higher (but equal) appreciation of the affective function of magazine is associated with static or increasing magazine use.
Conclusion
This study’s findings suggest that it is in the more affective, diversionary and internally oriented functions that magazines still reign — or at least have the opportunity to do so. These areas seem to be more highly appreciated for static and increasing magazine users – or perhaps differently. As the niche overlap scores indicate, the perceived similarity of the two media is strongest along the affective dimension. And as shown by the breakdown of niche superiority scores, it seems that an individual’s preference for affective content — either in online or in tactile form — may be driving increasing or decreasing magazine use.
A key question this leads to is the affective activities that increasing and decreasing magazine users might be engaged in when using either medium, as well as the exact nature of affective content. Moving forward with the findings of this study, one research question that should be addressed is, what is the relationship between affective content or functions and the tactile nature of the printed page? In other words, what are the defining characteristics of the affective “reading” experience in the printed vs. online format? And even more basic than this, what exactly is affective or cognitive content? These terms have been used in a broad conceptual way, but a study identifying specific characteristics would have both theoretical and professional implications. A study more entrenched in the uses and gratifications perspective would be appropriate here.
Another variable that would play into this is whether the reader is in a diversionary mode or an information-seeking mode. Much research has been conducted regarding advertising effectiveness and the particular mode a reader or viewer is in. This same theoretical concept could be applied to reader satisfaction or perception of editorial content. The basic research question being, are diversionary articles (or what types of diversionary articles) more satisfying when readers are in a browsing mode versus an information-seeking mode?
It should be noted here that diversionary, or affective subject matter is relative. What is considered cognitive information in one article (in a magazine or on a Web site) might be diversionary in another magazine or Web site. It is somewhat relative to the reader. However, another approach would be seeking to identify what types of subject matter are appropriate for what medium. What subject matters work best in each medium? This is beyond simple medium characteristics of video, audio and print. Of course, the Web can add levels of interactivity to information-oriented, cognitive articles that cannot be offered on the printed page. But in the area of diversion, is typical afffective subject matter “more enjoyable” in the printed magazine format than on the Web where the reader must be at the computer?
For example, an experimental design could be used wherein the same diversionary or affective type article text and photos were presented in printed, tactile magazine form to one group and presented to another group in Web form. Other variables could be accounted for in a factorial design with perhaps different levels of story length being presented in the Web version. After reading the article subjects would be administered an established instrument to measure reader satisfaction. Again, the general direction is getting at the question of what subject matter is best for each medium. With these questions answered publishers and editors have a better idea of the types of articles to feature in print only, on the Web only and on both.
Other issues such as story and sentence length are pertinent as well. Professional advice offered in books on writing for the Web suggests that people want shorter stories and sentences and simpler information. Does this apply across the board to all types of material — cognitive versus affective? Some research in this direction has been conducted, but on newspaper and news reading. Magazines, again, have not been the focus of much attention. Research emphasizing diversionary subject matter and printed magazines would be useful theoretically as well as to the magazine and Web industries.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee at Michigan State University for their mentoring during this project: Howard Bossen, Hairong Li, Lucinda Davenport and Bonnie Reece. I would also like to thank John Dimmick, who provided a number of insights on an early draft of this paper.
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About the Author
Quint Randle is Assistant Professor in the Communications Department at Brigham Young University where he teaches and researches new media, magazines and design. Prior to completing his Ph.D. at Michigan State in 2001 he was a publisher and online editor at several national magazines and newspapers.
Address: E509 HFAC, BYU, Provo, UT 84602-6403
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