JCMC 9 (3) April 2004
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Sexual Profiteering and Rhetorical Assuagement: Examining Ethos and Identity at Playboy.com

Todd Frobish
Fayetteville State University


Abstract

This paper is a rhetorical exploration of Playboy.com and its attempt to manage ethos and identity. Online groups have embraced the Web for its potential to connect them to users directly, but they must now face rising security problems, the lack of traditional gatekeeping controls, and a rapidly changing environment. Playboy has to confront not only these medium-oriented difficulties, but also its own unique exigencies if it wishes to develop and maintain its credibility with target audiences. Drawing upon classical conceptions of ethos and also contemporary theories of identity, this investigation reveals that a large range of linguistic and non-linguistic techniques is possible to negotiate these demands. Specifically, Playboy attempts to create an identity that can assuage the doubts of visitors, which is the first step toward gaining their loyalty and money as members. What they pay for, however, is not only the Playboy lifestyle and beautiful women, but also a sexual identity of control, confidence, and status.


Introduction

Among the most numerous and controversial sites on the WWW today are those of a pornographic or sexual nature. These sites seek customers, not disciples or ideologues, and so their credibility problems are somewhat different than those of a political or religious nature. Because they have a different set of goals and different audiences, they exploit the unique characteristics of the Internet in novel ways. Although these sexual groups must still work to attract and sustain their users' interests, their strategies vary from most sites online. How they might respond to their special circumstances is the concern of this manuscript.

This manuscript examines the ways in which one well-known sexually-oriented group exploits the Web and its special technologies to establish ethos and identity. This critique also examines the factors that make profits possible for this and other similar groups. Most researchers point to sex or sexual gratification as the chief commodity for the online pornography industry, yet sex is instrumental only in enticing customers to the Web. Much more occurs in the background both linguistically and non-linguistically to attract and maintain members.

Scholars of communication have surprisingly paid little attention to the online sex industry. We ought not ignore this phenomenon, however, since the history of sex in the United States is woven into large-scale economics and politics. This history has been so intense, in fact, that some have aptly described it as a "Civil War over Smut" (Witcover, 1970). One of the most intriguing issues on the Web is how the sex industry has sustained itself online amid these sorts of constraints. The sex industry as a whole seems riddled with credibility problems stemming from a diverse lot of critics, including legislators, feminists, and religious conservatives who attack it for allegedly promoting obscenity, and immorality, child pornography, and the oppression of women. This analysis begins, then, by examining, first, the history of pornography as a political battlefield in which certain groups have attempted to subvert the progress and profitability of sex, second, a review of the literature on character and credibility, and third, the possibilities and challenges that Internet technologies have created for pornographers as they attempt to build credible identities in this relatively new commercial arena.


Political Intervention in the Pornography Business

There have been only two major federal investigations of the pornography industry in United States history. The first was the Johnson Commission, which was appointed after pornographers began profiting from the magazine as a distribution medium. The second was the Meese Commission, which was appointed shortly after pornographers started to develop the new cable television and videotape technologies. Both appeared only after new technological developments greatly increased the profits of pornographers. The Johnson and Messe Commissions were designed to assess the possible social harms of the pornography industry and consider ways of controlling its growth after the introduction of these technologies.

The first of these investigations, the United States President's Commission on Obscenity and Pornography, officially began in 1968 and is commonly referred to as the Johnson Commission. Its purpose was to provide "a study of the causal relationship of such materials to antisocial behavior, to recommend advisable, appropriate, effective, and constitutional means to deal effectively with such traffic in obscenity and pornography" (U.S. Commission, 1970, p. 1). Congress had defined this earlier as "a matter of national concern" (Commission, 1967, 90-100). The Commission recommended, however, that we abolish all legislation concerning the prohibition of sexual materials to adults. President Nixon responded by saying that "so long as I am in the White House there will be no relaxation of the national effort to control and eliminate smut from our national life" (Kendrick, 1987, p. 219). Senator John McClellan, who appointed the Commission, followed Nixon's lead by introducing a resolution in the Senate that attempted to persuade policy makers to ignore the Commission's recommendations. The resolution passed sixty to five, essentially rejecting the Commission's report.

The second group, known as the Meese Commission, was headed by Attorney General Edwin Meese at the behest of President Reagan in 1985. Its purpose, as noted by the charter, was to "study the dimensions of the problem of pornography," to "review the available empirical evidence on the relationship between exposure to pornographic materials and antisocial behavior," and to explore "possible roles and initiatives that the Department of Justice and agencies of local, State, and Federal government could pursue in controlling, consistent with constitutional guarantees, the production and distribution of pornography" (U.S. Department, 1986, p. 1957). Consistent with Reagan's emphasis on family values, the Meese Report suggested strong policy changes to eliminate all forms of pornography:
They want stepped-up enforcement of existing obscenity laws; increased cooperation between local, state, and federal law enforcement personnel and the IRS; and a computerized national database. They want forfeiture statutes, so that any proceeds from production of pornography can be confiscated. According to the Commission, hiring individuals to participate in commercial sexual performances should be made an unfair labor practice (Califia, 1986).
The Commission was very specific in some cases, suggesting that
Transmission of obscene matter over cable TV and telephone lines should be proscribed. . . . All state legislatures should adopt the lower standard of proof of obscenity. . . . Pandering laws should be used against porn producers. Conditions within adult bookstores should be investigated and health violations prosecuted. Peep show booths should not be allowed to have doors or holes in the walls between the booths. Use of performers under the age of twenty-one should be forbidden by act of Congress, and producers, retailers, and distributors of sexually explicit material should be required to maintain records containing consent forms and proof of performers' ages (Califia, 1986).
Like the Johnson Commission, the Meese Commission ultimately did little to actually stop the growth of the pornography industry. As Hawkins and Zimring (1988) have noted, the "two Meese volumes have gone to join Johnson . . . on library shelves" (p. 16).

The WWW is yet another medium that has expanded the opportunities for the distribution of sexually-oriented materials. Not surprisingly, then, the federal government has reacted with attempts to regulate online pornography. The first congressional attempt to regulate online sexual material, the Communications Decency Act, was first proposed by Senator Exon in 1994. It stalled for two years, but President Clinton finally signed the bill into law on February 1996. It decreed that anyone who "initiates the transmission of, any comment, request, suggestion, proposal, image, or other communication which is obscene, lewd, lascivious, filthy, or indecent, with intent to annoy, abuse, threaten, or harass another person," especially those under 18 years of age, "shall be fined under title 18, United States Code, or imprisoned not more than two years, or both" (The Communications, 1999). The law was quickly challenged by industry and civil rights groups, including Microsoft and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). The Act was officially overturned by a 3-member panel of federal judges in June 1997, which held that the Decency Act violated the First Amendment's guarantee of freedom of speech.

The second attempt to regulate online commerce of a sexual nature was the Online Child Protection Act of 1996. The bill's purpose was to make it a federal crime to use the WWW to communicate sexually-oriented material considered "harmful to minors" (EPIC, 2001). Penalties ranged up to $150,000 per day for each violation and up to six months in prison. In February 1999, however, U.S. District Judge Lowell Reed from Philadelphia granted a preliminary injunction against the Child Online Protection Act, again declaring the act an unconstitutional restriction of free speech. This temporary injunction was made permanent in June, 2000, when another strange alliance (ACLU, Electronic Frontier Foundation, Condomania, OBGYN.NET) argued their case, ACLU v. Reno II, in front of a federal appeals court.

Attempts to regulate the sale and distribution of pornography in both offline and online environments have thus generally proven unsuccessful. Not surprisingly, then, the Internet has become a playground of sorts for the sex industry, with pornographers reaching many new people and enjoying the huge profits. Pornography on the Internet also has raised a new set of controversies, since sexual material on the Web includes not only the textual and video materials of conventional pornography, but also includes new interactive possibilities such as "live" shows and chat rooms. The new technologies, therefore, pose new challenges for those who aspire to regulate such materials.

With its obvious appeal to many consumers, sexually-oriented material has become a major economic force in the magazine industry, the movie and video industries, and now the multi-mediated environment known as the Internet. Many have become rich from selling sexually-oriented materials, including book and video publishing companies. Those who reject the adult market, like Blockbuster Video, lose substantial revenues to other corporations that do market such material (Bettig, 1996, p. 179). The point here is that the sex industry, despite all the controversy, is highly profitable. Sexual groups must constantly battle critics and skeptics for respect and credibility, yet most still prosper. The WWW has become the new battlefield in this war between the sex industry and its opponents, requiring us to look back to basic theories of character and credibility in order to understand and appreciate the rhetorical responses of these sex-oriented groups. Indeed, the rich literature available on the concept of ethos may offer an alternative explanation for the success of the online sex industry.


Classical and Contemporary Theories of Ethos

The Greek and Roman rhetorical traditions serve as the obvious starting point for any discussion of ethos. In these two eras, those trained in the art of rhetoric understood ethos as an audience's evaluation of a speaker's character. They assumed that ethos was a face-to-face phenomenon and, as such, was developed within a particular community of people who shared similar views, customs, and ways of thinking. When a person was said to have created a positive ethos, it was assumed that the speaker's identity was trusted and his or her message believed. While times have changed, many of the elements common to this notion of ethos have remained constant. Specifically, a communicator's concern for the community is a central feature of ethos and one that will be useful in analyzing the WWW.

Isocrates and Plato both considered the concept of ethos as inseparable from the larger community. We know Isocrates's views on character from his extensive rhetorical treatises about the education of leaders and their role in society. In fact, he insisted that good conduct should be the end of education and the goal of all good men (see Isocrates, trans. 1980, 1.4.n2). His beliefs about ethos are clear in "Against the Sophists," where he discussed good and bad leaders.

Good leaders were not those who possessed profound knowledge, but those with sound judgment: those who could best anticipate the contingencies of life (Norlin, 1980, p. xxviiff). His notion of ethos was centered on practical concerns and the contributions of a leader to the larger community. But while Isocrates emphasized practical abilities, Plato emphasized wisdom. The man of good character, according to Plato, was one who could combine philosophical rigor and a love for the truth. In the Phaedrus (trans. 1925), he compared the worthy persuader to the noble lover, suggesting that "he who knows not the truth, but pursues opinions, will, it seems, attain an art of speech which is ridiculous, and not an art at all" (262c). The credible speaker was one who could bring truth to the public and help free others from their ignorance.

Isocrates and Plato led the way for Aristotle's more systematic writings, including the most complete account of ethos to date. For him, persuasion occurred when the rhetor successfully employed a suitable combination of proofs (logos, pathos, and ethos). While the use of logic and emotion were important, the credibility of the rhetor was always central. In fact, Aristotle (trans. 1991) declared that ethos "is almost, so to speak, the controlling factor in persuasion" (p. 38). He identified the proof based on ethos as speech that "is spoken in such a way as to make the speaker worthy of credence" (p. 38). A speaker would establish credibility with an audience, according to Aristotle, when he or she could show a habit of manifesting virtue, practical intelligence, and goodwill. His theory of ethos was simple: "For we believe fair-minded people to a greater extent and more quickly [than we do others]" (p. 38). Aristotle believed, however, that ethos should be created within the speech itself and not be based upon a speaker's reputation. As classical scholar George Kennedy (1991) has suggested, this may have been Aristotle's attempt to give laymen, who did not have the advantage of being well known, an equal chance to defend themselves against more reputable individuals (p. 38, no. 43).

The Greeks had diverse views on credibility, but one's ability to gain the trust of the audience and one's concern for the community were inextricably linked. The same linkage was drawn throughout the later Roman tradition. While more focused on the practical than the philosophical, Roman rhetoricians believed that one's moral character was the key to a successful public life. In first Century C.E., for example, Roman citizens saw men struggle over control and power, mostly men like Julius Caesar who commanded great armies. Finding men of good character who could lead the nation was paramount. Cicero and Quintilian sought to develop such leaders through a model political and educational system based upon rhetorical principles.

Cicero did not have an explicit theory of character, but he did write about the traits required of a good leader. In his Of Oratory (trans. 1959), he argued that it was the orator's obligation to guide his audience to ethical action. He argued "that the wise control of the complete orator is that which chiefly upholds not only his own dignity, but the safety of countless individuals and of the entire State" (p. 204). The success of the nation was paramount and the good man was one who worked to enhance the interests of the larger community.

Quintilian, like Cicero, feared political tyranny and stressed the need for an educational system that could develop good leaders. Quintilian, who has been called one of "the last great rhetoricians of the classical period" (Bizzel & Herzberg, 1990, p. 35), feared where Rome was headed. His Institutes of Oratory was a reaction to the Second Sophistic and was intended to help mold men who would embrace classical virtues and a love for the welfare of the community. His famous definition of the orator as the "good man speaking well" highlighted the essence of his moral philosophy. Quintilian (trans. 1958) asserted that the good orator is
a man who to extraordinary natural gifts has added a thorough mastery of all the fairest branches of knowledge, a man sent by heaven to be the blessing of mankind, one to whom all history can find no parallel, uniquely perfect in every detail and utterly noble alike in thought and speech (12.1.25).
Few theories of ethos appeared after the fall of Rome until Saint Augustine began criticizing his society's focus on pleasure. Preachers, he (trans. 1958) asserted in On Christian Doctrine, should be fit to speak with the highest authority and with eloquence befitting the Bible so that the Church might be better prepared to defend itself against evil, lead men to God, and keep men from straying. Augustine's notion of character was derived from his classical readings: Plato's notion of knowing men's souls, Aristotle's philosophical and psychological breadth, Cicero's emphasis on the importance of authority, and Quintilian's focus on the civil speaker as the savior of a decaying society. His theory of character was prescriptive and community-oriented: telling others what kinds of preachers they ought to become in order to better society.

Theories of character were rare between these ancient times and the Enlightenment until George Campbell, in his Philosophy of Rhetoric, developed a theory of character centered upon the concept of sympathy. Campbell wrote that sympathy was the speaker's ability to find some common ground with the audience, and whatever impaired a speaker's ability to create sympathy, also impaired his ability to create belief. A speaker could create a positive ethos, according to Campbell, when it became apparent that he was a good man. Campbell (trans. 1988) wrote, for instance, that "one must be a good man; for to be good is the only sure way of being long esteemed good, and to be esteemed good is previously necessary to one's being heard with due attention and regard" (p. 97).

In contemporary times, theories of ethos have exploded as rhetorical scholars have developed an understanding of rhetoric centered on identification rather than persuasion. Kenneth Burke (1969), for example, wrote that "if, in the opinion of a given audience, a certain kind of conduct is admirable, then a speaker might persuade the audience by using ideas and images that identify his cause with that kind of conduct" (p. 55). Burke continued by asserting that "you persuade a man only insofar as you can talk his language by speech, gesture, tonality, order, image, attitude, idea, identifying your ways with his" (p. 55). One's willingness to adapt to the audience by responding to its interests, for example, can demonstrate sincerity and goodwill. Burke led the way for a broader understanding of ethos by extending the concept to the more contemporary notion of identification. Enos (1990) believes identification is paramount: "Effective ethical argument arises from the union of speaker and listener, writer and reader; the opening up of a world holding with it values that both participants adhere to underlies the whole concept of ethos" (p. 101). Rhetorical critics now examine a number of derivations of the classical notion of ethos, but the role that ethos plays in all, however, is crucial. A person's or group's ability to establish an identity that an audience will embrace is vital to convincing that audience to consider an idea, vote for a particular candidate, donate money, support a movement, or buy a product.

The foregoing review of ethos shows the importance of possessing a communal identity in the process of building credibility. These theories are not just abstract works of philosophy, but views written in response to community problems. Aristotle, for example, wrote his Rhetoric as a textbook for those aiming to establish credibility in deliberative and forensic speaking. Cicero and Quintilian, in reaction to political fears, hoped to show others the importance of civic virtue in building good government. Augustine and Campbell both expressed concern for the quality of religious leaders and their ability to sustain credibility and Church membership. Some contemporary scholars have examined how a speaker's identity can help recruit support for a social movement or help fashion its collective identity. So, while many have written on ethos and identity, all reflect a concern with creating and sustaining some larger community. In fact, Miller (1993) argues that "rhetoric should take seriously its social grounding by exploring and using the concept of community more fully and more critically" (p. 80).

While the traditional connections among speaker, community, and ethos are important, there is justification to move beyond seeing ethos as merely the credibility of the individual. Halloran (1982) has traced the etymology of the term ethos to before Aristotle, when the term referred to a "habitual meeting place," thus creating the "image of people gathering together in a public place, sharing experiences and ideas." (p. 61). Halloran has written that "from this perspective, the term ethos has both an individual and a collective meaning. It makes sense to speak of the ethos of this or that person, but it makes equally good sense to speak of the ethos of a particular type of person, of a professional group, or a culture, or an era in history" (p. 62). To extend his analysis, it seems legitimate to speak of the ethos of a Website and to explore how ethos is made possible on a Website by special online technologies. In fact, this sort of ethos might be connected with the medium itself. CMC scholar Jay Bolter (1993) makes this connection, remarking that, online, Websites become the voices of their designers and ethos is derived from the qualities of those voices (p. 107). By designing a Website that users find helpful or wherein users feel connected to some larger community, a group may be able to build ethos based on identification with particular communities. From this perspective, we can investigate how even those in the online sex industry might establish trust between themselves and their online audiences by creating a sense of identification and community in cyberspace.


The Online Sex Industry



The Internet allows pornographers to potentially reach a different demographic than magazines or videos. The market is changing, for instance, as more women are entering the sex industry as consumers and producers. According to the industry trade publication Adult Video News, "a drastically increasing number of women are consuming pornography not only to view with partners but to view alone" (as cited in Ramp, 1999). Producer/Director Brittany Andrews states that women "now make up 40 percent of adult buyers; 10 years ago, the figure was only 10 percent" (Ramp, 1999).

The Internet also opens up new technical possibilities for presenting adult materials, which opens the door to more profits. Seth Warshavsky, 24-year-old multimillionaire and online porn king, controlled more than 1,400 adult Websites, grossing more than $20 million in 1997 (Rose, 1997, p. 220). He started profiting with online sex by adding video-interactivity and streaming video to his Websites that provided the viewer with live sexual entertainment. He claimed that "It was unbelievable! This was not just phone sex, this was not just Hustler magazine, this was not just video sex. This was all of it in one--a true multimedia experience that encompasses every facet of entertainment" (p. 224).

While the technology on the Web creates new possibilities for those in the sex industry, the technology also poses problems. Pornographers lose money every time a user logs off, especially when that user does not come back because of concerns about privacy or anonymity. Research shows that users are "increasingly unwilling to take risks" (Ratnasingham, 1998, p. 314) with Websites that have obvious controversial material. Potential users of pornography are concerned about getting caught looking at sexually-oriented materials, especially when the technology cannot guarantee total anonymity. Furthermore, because online credit card technologies are not safe from hackers and because credit card purchases may later appear on their credit card statements for others to see, many users are hesitant to purchase memberships to these sexually-oriented online groups.

We might presume that online adult groups realize the need for a rhetoric that can persuade users to visit sexually-oriented Websites, stay connected, and eventually pay for services. Website developers do use a variety of techniques to first attract users, such as free sexual images, audio or video teasers, and slide shows of the site's content. Yet they must go beyond that to assuage whatever concerns those visitors might have over privacy or security. Online sexual groups must assure users that they have total anonymity and that their exchanges will be absolutely confidential. As Levine (1998) argues in her book, The Joy of Cybersex, "the anonymity of the [online] environment removes any shame and embarrassment associated with sex, and allows us all to be novices and experts at the same time" (p. 232). Users can explore their "sexual fantasies without fear of rejection" (p. 232). At the same time, however, many users may fear that their experimentations with online sex will be discovered by family or co-workers, or that online sexual groups might not be as secure for credit card transactions.

There are many reasons why online sexual groups may have special credibility problems. First, the identities of these online sex companies are often difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain. Many sexually-oriented Websites make it extremely difficult for users to find company information and fail to provide links for feedback. Second, they sometimes make it difficult for users to escape or exit the site. Many sexually-oriented sites force users to see new screens as they try to exit. Upon closing a window, one or more new screens "pop-up" advertising other sexually-oriented sites that the group either owns or from which it profits. Upon closing those, even more "pop-up" screens might appear. Sexually-oriented groups are now even experimenting with "pop-down" screens that load into the user's screen underneath other screens, making it difficult for users to identify them immediately. Users are increasingly "held captive by pornographic sites" from which they cannot "escape without turning off their computers" (Labaton, 1999).

Of course, users can find sexual imagery, chat-based sex opportunities, adult audio and video, and other sexually-oriented materials at many free sites on the Web. So why do some become members of pay sex sites, pay money, offer up their credit card information, reveal their addresses and phone numbers, and even their mothers' maiden names? While this is one of the questions posed in this investigation, it seems reasonable to conjecture that customers of pay sites get something more out of actually joining such "clubs"-- an extra measure of sexual self-confidence or a particular sexual identity. In the remainder of this manuscript, I begin my detailed investigation into how such sexually-oriented sites attract and maintain that special relationship with their users with a close look at Playboy.com's attempt to forge an online ethos.


An Analysis of Ethos

Before diving into the world of Playboy and assessing its attempts to build a fashionable online ethos from its rather traditional identity, we must ask what exactly may be considered an online ethical appeal? At first glance, everything on a Website may be considered an attempt by the rhetor to persuade its users of his or her credibility. A political site, for example, will use words, background and foreground images, online games, e-mail links, hypertextual links, and so forth, in order to convince us that it is, first, an official political site and, second, that its policies are honorable, community-oriented, beneficial, worth voting for, and so on. These appeals may even occur simultaneously. Employing an image of the U.S. American flag on a political Website, for instance, may speak to all at the same time. Further, one could look at a basic e-mail link and interpret that as an attempt by the online organization to demonstrate concern and accessibility -- that it cares about the ideas of and feedback from the community. It could also be read as an attempt to show simple computer literacy: an online group that does not include a feedback mechanism on its Website may look rather antiquated or unprofessional. A third reading may suggest no deliberate ethical appeal at all, but merely the existence of standard, routine technologies of Webpage design. In that case, we might still look just to the textual content of the page to assess strategies of credibility. Yet, as Warnick (1998) argues, "mere attention to the words on a Web page will not suffice, since the images are so important to textual meaning. Even in texts without images, the way that the text is displayed on the screen has rhetorical impact" (p. 77). The "visual cues and hypertextual structure used to construct a Web site," argues Hunt (1996), "conveys a specific ethos, or character, for the organization" (p. 378).

When assessing whether a given word, image, or technology is an ethical appeal, it may be more helpful to distinguish between what is artistic and inartistic. In Aristotelian terminology, this suggests a difference of design. For example, the fact that a Web designer creates or employs a hypertext link is not as rhetorically interesting as to how that particular link associates the site with the credibility of others. In traditional rhetorical criticism, scholars would look to one's words. When someone says "I have worked for charities for 20 years," for example, it seems apparent that those words constitute an ethical appeal, specifically virtue. Is it any less apparent when an organization places a photograph on its Website showing its employees supporting Big Brothers/Big Sisters or perhaps building houses for Habitat for Humanity? What if a commercial organization creates a link on its Website to the Big Brothers/Big Sisters' site? Is that any less of an ethical appeal seemingly designed to build an image of virtue, communal welfare or goodwill, and so forth? Web technologies, like words, can be strategically employed by online groups to build ethos. Answering what qualities of a word, phrase, image, or Web technology constitute an ethical appeal, however, is dangerous, since such a list might serve to limit an exploratory analysis. For the purposes of this analysis, then, any word, phrase, image, or technology whose purpose seems to be to make an online group look credible, is worthy of critique.

Rather than attempt to classify thousands of Web technologies and speculate as to how they might be used as appeals to ethos, it seems more reasonable to reorganize the types of ethos appeals that might be possible on the Web. Instead of relying upon Aristotle's tripartite theory of ethos, which many scholars believe is too limiting, we might be more inclusive by adopting or adapting other systems of thought. Credibility expert Sharron Kenton (1989) has developed a four-part typology of ethical appeals that appears more suited for the analysis of Web discourse. Her four-part system consists, first, of goodwill and fairness, which includes a speaker's focus on the receiver, displays of concern for the receiver's welfare, and an unselfish attitude. Second, she includes expertise, which incorporates appeals based upon the training, experience, qualifications, intelligence, competency, and achievements of the speaker. The third factor is prestige, suggesting those appeals relating to the rank, power, position, or status of the speaker. The final factor in her typology is self-presentation, or the verbal abilities, platform skills, dynamism, energy, charisma, and confidence of the speaker. Beaston (1991), who adapts Kenton's typology for his analysis of ethos in business speeches, removes goodwill and fairness, prestige, and self-presentation. He adds deference or respect for the audience, self-criticism or one's humility, similitude or attempts to create interpersonal relationships with audience members or to build a sense of community, and the inclination to succeed or one's confidence and drive.

Each of these previous methods has strengths and weaknesses that must be considered in a methodological design. Kenton's typology better addresses the technological aspects that classical theories of ethos cannot presume to consider, but her categories seem to overlap in some crucial areas. How do competency, a component of her "Expertise" category, and platform abilities, a component of her "Self-Presentation" category, differ exactly? It seems possible that, on a Website, one's ability to deliver a dynamic Website might equate to a degree of technical competency. So, competency and self-presentation could be connected. Beaston's typology is helpful since it allows for the criticism of community-based appeals, but fails to consider the moral component or virtue of the rhetor.

A more general scheme is necessary--one that can avoid the problems of these earlier methods and allow for some flexibility when evaluating the new media. As the previous sections have demonstrated, a rhetor's ability to show an audience that its members constitute a common community and that he or she is willing to adapt and respond to that community's needs, is the first step toward building trust and gaining the assent of the audience. Burke has repeatedly shown the importance of establishing such a communal link. Also important is the morality or virtue of the rhetor. Showing that one celebrates the values of the community and that one is fair-minded, honest, and not self-interested, can help establish the kind of virtuous ethos discussed by Aristotle, Quintilian, and many others. A rhetor's ethos, furthermore, is tied to his or her intelligence and knowledgeability--proof that he or she is qualified and able to deliver on his or her promises. Campbell noted this when he spoke about the role that authority played in the ethos of the preacher. Finally, since this manuscript focuses on ethos and identity in Web environments, the technological means of building ethos and identity is especially salient. As both Warnick and Hunt have been cited as suggesting, the power and visual impact of the text and structure of the site can suggest important things about the character of an online group. Therefore, assessing one's verbal and design competence is necessary if we are to accurately evaluate the ways in which online groups are building ethos and identity online. Based upon these criteria, I propose a four-part system for the analysis of online ethos and identity, consisting of appeals to (1) community identification and goodwill, (2) moral character and virtue, (3) intelligence and knowledge, and (4) verbal and design competence. This typology considers both classical components of ethos and those considered to be Web-oriented.

What follows, then, is an overview of the history of Playboy and its site, its audiences, and its unique credibility problems. Second, I will look closely at the arrangement of the pages and the technologies employed in each. Finally, I will examine how, by using both linguistic and non-linguistic appeals to community, moral character, intelligence, and online competence, Playboy attempts to build an identity that assuages users' concerns over anonymity and security issues, while constructing and selling a particular sexual identity to customers.


Playboy Online

The University of Virginia's business journal, The Angle, claims that "Playboy magazine has become synonymous with sex in the United States" (Spady, 1999). With more than three million readers monthly, Playboy is the "best selling men's magazine in the country" (Spady, 1999). But the magazine is not the company's only product: the magazine actually accounts for only 43 percent of the company's revenue (Spady, 1999). Playboy Enterprises also distributes TV programming, videos, films, and licenses and sells a variety of Playboy merchandise. Its history of success traces back to 1953, when founder Hugh Hefner published the first Playboy magazine. Subsequently, Hefner opened Playboy Clubs across the nation and later branched out into television, videos, and Playboy merchandise.

Playboy claims that it sells a lifestyle rather than just sex. As Dallas Morning News writer Kendall Morgan (2000) has observed, the Playboy "Rabbit Head is an American icon," and those who embrace that "symbol have a certain mind set" (p. G5). In a recent interview, Hefner himself claimed that "Playboy wasn't and isn't a sex magazine" (as cited in Mills, 2000, p. 40). On its Website's help page, Playboy elaborates on the many interests encompassed by Playboy and the relationship of those broader interests to its "erotic" content:
Playboy covers many subjects that interest men, and naturally women and sex are among those interests. Playboy CEO Christie Hefner, who fields this question often, gives this response: "For those people who enjoy reading Playboy, there's no dichotomy in the fact the magazine has an erotic component and an intellectual, humorous and celebrity component; that is the world they would like to live in. For people who find sex dangerous, troubling or offputting, anything with sex in it carries negative connotations."
Playboy Enterprises attempts to reach the large, online consumer population while incorporating the Web into its larger business. Playboy (2000) writes that "because the Web makes real-time personal interaction possible with no regard for physical location," the site can tap into "the power of the Playboy brand to provide visitors access to celebrities and newsmakers." Chief Executive Christie Hefner, founder Hugh Hefner's daughter, claims that she wants Playboy online to be "the first place young men go on the World Wide Web for entertainment, information, and cool stuff to buy". She claims that Playboy's site "will continue to be closely connected to publishing in terms of its editorial attitude and quality" (as cited in Pelline, 1998). Indeed, Hugh Hefner stresses that Playboy online must "remain attentive to the value of our publishing business and particularly Playboy magazine, which plays a vital role in driving the global image and recognition of the company" (as cited in Pelline). Reflecting this close association between the magazine and its online presence, the Playboy Website provides three links on its homepage to a subscription page for the magazine.

Although the magazine is indispensable to Playboy's offline persona, the company needs more than just a Website that looks like a magazine to succeed on the Internet. "Playboy has invested heavily in its site to attract online subscribers," argues Spady (1999), but also to attract those interested in Playboy's "catalog merchandise, videos, and trademark items." On its main page, users are invited to experience much more than just magazine content; they also offered its video collections, auctions, news items, and television programming. These services have helped Playboy move its site to the forefront of online sexually-oriented sites. Jones (1999) writes that the "business is growing rapidly" and that "Wall Street is smiling on Playboy stock."

Its broad range of online services may account for the success of Playboy online. "While many print publications have struggled on the Web," argues Pelline (1998), "Playboy has thrived." Its main Website, Playboy.com, which opened in 1994, "is one of the most visited on the Web, and its fee-based site called Cyber Club, less than six months old, has more subscribers than most others" (Pelline). Playboy's 1999 annual report highlights the major features of the site, including the "Playboy Store," which accounts for most of the site's profit. In fact, the store boasts a 200 percent profit in one year due to its success at selling products from its 2700-item catalog, which it plans to increase to 10,000 items (Playboy, 2000). The Playboy site does seem to be a popular stopping place for Web surfers. One reason for its success might be the "Playboy Live" feature that allows users access to "live, original events for the Web." Its coverage of Mardi Gras 2000, for example, generated 3.5 million Web hits.

Playboy's lifestyle is touted as popular with males and females of all ages, but the content of the Website clearly targets young men. Its 1999 stock report claims that Playboy wants to attract men in the "key 18-to-25-year-old market" (Playboy, 2000). We might expect to find, therefore, pictures of females who are in that same age group. Certainly, the women whose pictures are displayed on its site appear about as young as the men it is trying to attract. College issues are addressed throughout the site. Indeed, typing "college" in Playboy's internal search engine turns up 284 pages that include the term, ranging from its "guide to college girls" to the "top ten colleges with the best looking girls." Playboy also has an "on campus" section that focuses specifically on the sexual (mis)adventures of males and females on college campuses.


Playboy's Website

Playboy's main page is designed to take advantage of every corner of the screen with text, images, and a mix of multimedia features. It is a busy site and overflows with banner advertisements. The description which follows was current at the time of this writing (2002).

The top of the site offers links to four main sections: Playboy Cyberclub, Subscribe to Playboy, Auctions, and Shop Playboy. To the left of this list is a young female who is pulling up her shirt, revealing her stomach, looking playfully at users while Playboy's famous rabbit head logo appears behind her in the background. While the word "Playboy" is at the top of the page, seeing it is difficult. The rabbit head with its ".com" suffix serves as the more obvious reference. Centered below its list of categories is a large banner that advertises its section on college females. Confirming its goal of attracting a college-age male audience, the banner offers "behind the scenes coverage [of] these brainy beauties."

There are four columns on Playboy's main page. Below the title material, on the left side, there is a long list of major and minor sections that link to relevant pages: playboy cyber club, love & sex, travel & nightlife, digital culture, arts & entertainment, comedy club, living in style, on campus, sports, playboy live, playboy magazines, playboy tv, playboy home video, auctions, shop playboy, and playmates. Below this, Playboy offers its visitors a chance to subscribe or unsubscribe to its newsletter by typing in their e-mail addresses. Below this, in a small font, is a link to its "privacy policy," stating that "At PLAYBOY MAGAZINE, we share our subscriber's concerns regarding the use of personal information and we are committed to protecting your right to privacy." It proceeds by outlining the conditions under which users' personal information will be employed in mailing lists and its marketing campaigns. At the end of this first column, Playboy includes its internal search engine, which allows users to look for specific information by entering keywords.

The second column is labeled "FEATURES." Playboy offers eight headlines. Each has a short description of its contents and a link to the complete story. These stories include an interview with the sportscaster Bob Costas, a "complete guide" for those wanting to host a Bachelor Party, a story about a "pro" who records her amateur movie-making experiences in Playboy's "real-life sex diaries," hints for guys on how to use jokes to pick up women, a story about the new recordable CD-ROM technology, information for the cigar-smoking male, a female basketball player's perspective on her sport, and "ten ways to save your ass in a bar fight." Only the first three of these stories is highlighted with photographs.

The third column introduces Playboy's "MULTIMEDIA" content. Here, there are another six headlines and short descriptions. These six stories, most of which offer more images or video samples by following the links, include one about Hefner's recent parties, a behind-the-scenes look at Brooke Shield's cover shoot for Playboy's 75th Book of Lingerie, a parody animation of Vice-President Al Gore "getting his smoke on," Playboy's "outrageous, profane, and profound coverage of the presidential campaign," a "wicked and sexy spoof of Star Wars," and a look at one of Playboy's new comic strips, The Chained Coffin. There is only one picture at the top of the column and it shows Hugh Hefner with two females who are probably in their twenties.

The fourth column is dedicated to Playboy's for-pay services and merchandise. This part of the main page, not surprisingly, is several column inches longer than the other three. Here the user can see subscription advertisements for the Playboy magazine and also offers for Playboy t-shirts, its 75th Book of Lingerie, and some exclusive videos. Most of these offers have pictures next to them, unlike the entries on the other columns where text is preferred.

While the main page is the most important part of a site, users will likely look to the subpages to follow up on something they found advertised on the homepage. The first of four subpages is the Cyber Club. Playboy's Cyber Club employs a number of technologies to gain the interest of users. Cyber Club's main page is simple. There is one large image in the center and one of several randomized pictures on the right. Users see only three options: an entrance point for members, a link to a "guest-tour" for nonmembers who wish to find out more about the site before joining, and a link to a sign-up page. Its guest tour has several pages that advertise different content and offer many free samples. At the bottom of each page, the user is asked to join and is given a link to its Join the Club page. This page is also simple and displays the images of several women. It explains its three subscription rates, including monthly, quarterly, and yearly registration. Advertised with each option is a picture of a female (see Figures 4, 5, 6). The yearly membership option is linked to the female with the most skin showing. This may suggest to users that if they choose the longer membership options, they will receive more for their money. This sign-up page tells users what they will be gaining as members. Playboy claims that they will gain access to its photo archive, a "behind-the-scenes Webcam," "full size centerfolds featuring exclusive 'zoom-in' technology," "girls undressed in live Webcasts," "Special sweepstakes only for members," and "LIVE chats with Playmates." The cost of this pay-site is far below industry standards ($6.95/month), but Playboy's Cyber Club does not include as many services as some of the more expensive sexual sites. The sign-up page spotlights one member's comment, exclaiming "Let me make sure I emphasize how great the Cyber Club really is. It is by far and away the best value on the Web."

The second major subpage after Cyber Club advertises Playboy magazine. A large orange banner at the top says "8 FREE ISSUES." On the left side of the screen, there are three pictures. The first displays the cover of Playboy's next issue and states "SUBSCRIBE NOW and get TWO FREE GIFTS." The second shows an image of its special edition of the "50 Hottest Nudes," and the third shows an image of its special edition of "Tanned and Topless." Underneath these last two is a quick description and a red box with the words "FREE" inside. The word "free," which is repeated seven times on this rather short page, seems to be the key word. It is a reasonable appeal since Playboy must realize that it will take some convincing to persuade users to sign-up for the print-based magazine, which would require them to submit their credit card information and possibly compromise their privacy. After the user is inundated with solicitations for "free" stuff and asked to subscribe several times, it finally requests the user's e-mail address, name, local address, country, his or her preferred credit card, and his or her preferred subscription rate. Curiously, it only gives users the option of a full-year subscription. Under the words "PAYMENT OPTIONS," Playboy places in parentheses: "Please note this is a secure site." The word "secure" is linked to the site's policy on privacy. If satisfied with Playboy's guarantees, the users need to select a submit button--a medium-sized blue box with a large, yellow "YES" in the middle and "ENTER MY SUBSCRIPTION" in white font below. Under the box, Playboy again reminds its customers about the "2 FREE GIFTS!" Much on the page seems directed toward eliminating its users' potential fears.

The third major option is Playboy Auctions. There is a large banner at the top of this screen that says "the official Playboy auction site." A female lies to the left of this title and holds a fan with a rabbit head on it. Below the title is a much larger rabbit head with dollar bills as the inside background. Directly beneath the title are four options: My Account, Place Listing, FAQ, and Log Out. Users can then create an account, enter the name of one that has already been created, list something for the auction, read the rules for the auction, or log out and return to this main page. The left side of the screen is divided into four lists. The first, Categories, allows users to bid on a specific type of item. The second, Services, allows users to search the listings, sign-up for a free account, register their credit cards so that they can start bidding, and read some general help items. The third, Playboy.com, repeats all of the same areas listed at the left of the main Playboy page. A fourth section, Playboy Store, links users to the main store page.

In the center of this auction page are featured items up for auction. Playboy featured two items: a "Shirt Worn by Nichole Van Croft in October 2000 Centerfold," and a "March 1954 PLAYBOY signed by Hugh Hefner." Each has a paragraph-long description. Beneath these two items is a box that displays the 1954 issue of Playboy, along with the current bid, the number of bids, and the expiration date for the auction.

The last of its major sections is the Playboy Store. This store is designed much like other shops online, with a shopping cart, search engine, and help service. Playboy offers twelve categories of products: men, women, lingerie, magazine, sp. edition, in print, video, home, jewelry, collectibles, playmates, and hot deals. Each of these is represented by a small graphic at the top of the screen that shows a relevant item from that category. Once users click on a category, a much larger picture of the product is displayed, but this time in the center of the page. To the left of these enlarged graphics is a Macromedia Flash movie that revolves through three items in sequence: Playboy martini glasses, a corkscrew, and its cigar set. Toward the bottom of the screen, users can select from another set of options, positioned inside a gray-colored ruler or bar that extends across the entire page horizontally. This Shop Playboy's Partners option includes sexy books, music, videos, For Lovers Only, and consumer electronics. The sexy books and consumer electronics connect users to Amazon.com. The music and videos connect users to TWEK.com, a distribution site for those interested in finding information about or purchasing movies and videos. The For Lovers Only connects users to a company called Condom Sense (condoms.net) and provides sex items such as bubble bath lotion, books about sex, and back massagers. Playboy no doubt gains a profit from users who buy these other companies' products.

While there is much more to the Playboy site, these are the major sections that users are likely to visit and are the ones most emphasized by Playboy itself. These pages attempt to gain the interest of visitors and to draw them into the Playboy lifestyle. The lifestyle identity is important to Playboy. The group consistently highlights its rabbit head icon as if it were an official seal. It invariably shows its females in a way that projects an image of eroticism. Furthermore, Playboy discusses more than just sexually-oriented news items, including sports and technology. Before users will buy into this Playboy lifestyle, however, Playboy will have to reinforce its identity to earn the trust of its users. The following sections examine how Playboy appeals to community, moral character, intelligence, and online competence, to gain the trust of its users, while assuaging any possible doubts they might have about security and privacy problems.

Community Identification and Goodwill

Playboy designed its Website to build a sense of community. Since the 1950s, Playboy has sought to create an identity centered around a "club" mentality, with the rabbit head symbolizing membership in an elite group dedicated to the "good life." Playboy's Website seeks to sustain that identity by showcasing the Playboy rabbit head, Playboy merchandise, and, of course, beautiful females. Playboy has held consistently to its claim that the "club" is about lifestyle, not just sex. In fact, nude photographs are rare on the Website and when one does appear, it is preceded with a "(nudity)" disclaimer, warning users that they are about to view topless or full-body nudity.

Users are made to feel welcome on Playboy's Website site through personalization. Playboy's abundant use of the inclusive "you" helps to draw users into its community. Playboy says on its main page, "Did you hear," "CD-ROM drive will have you burning down the house," and "Ten ways to save your ass." On one advertisement, Playboy writes that "The underdressed reporters at an Internet news site promise that you'll never find current events boring again." The link takes users to the Web's first nude news show and allows customers to download sample movies of the show. Its use of "you" throughout the entire site might suggest to users that Playboy has personalized the site for each of them and that they are already a part of the Playboy community. The title of its pay site, Cyber Club, further reinforces the appeal to join an exclusive "club" of people who share similar interests. It is not just the language, however, but also the technology that invites Playboy's visitors to join the community. On the main page, for instance, visitors can register for the Playboy community newsletter. These tactics might help to recruit and sustain membership.

Playboy attempts to attract customers to join its community by giving them helpful advice. The site aims to make them feel like they are members of some larger group of people. It promotes its site as a place for friends, giving these "friends" tips on such things as to how to prevent the bachelor party from ruining the upcoming marriage. In its advice on visiting brothels (e.g., where to go, range of prices, and tipping), Playboy warns that "if the bride ever gets wind of this, the marriage may well crumble. Proceed with caution, if at all." Playboy tries to educate men on how to "manage" their women and offers them control over much of the Website. Playboy's "zooming" device, for example, gives power to the user to view pictures on the site from different perspectives. With this device, users are able to "zoom" in on a part of the picture and magnify any feature they wish to examine in more detail.

Playboy offers its community of men a type of female that rarely appears on other sexual sites. Playboy emphasizes the educational and career achievements of its models, perhaps in an effort to identify with its young, college-educated target audience. On its main page, Playboy invites users to look at college females from around the country: "Our behind the scenes coverage continues with a revealing look at these brainy beauties." Playboy offers within its On Campus page advice on "Where the Girls Are" and says that "With more women than ever on campuses, you're more likely to score." A second section covers "Sexy Landmarks" and asks if users "Want to know where students are getting it on?" Apparently seeking to attract new members, these features are free.

Indeed, Playboy is, for the most part, a free site. Free stuff for users may help Playboy appear altruistic and gain the support of new users. Users may read articles, see photographs of Playmates, celebrities, and models, catch up on Playboy news, and explore its archive of comic strips, all for free. There is plenty of advertising for its for-pay services and merchandise, however, and Playboy attempts to profit by guiding visitors either to the magazine subscription page or to its pay site, Cyber Club. The magazine subscription page includes pictures of three different periodicals--Playboy, 50 Hottest Nudes, and Tanned and Topless--all three with covers displaying barely-clad young women. Playboy claims that if users subscribe to Playboy, they will receive eight free issues. These are not really free, of course, but the $40 discount subscribers receive by subscribing over the Web amounts to eight issues of the magazine. Additionally, Playboy writes that users should "Subscribe now and get TWO PLAYBOY COLLECTOR'S EDITIONS FREE." The appeals are well placed for this; they just precede the online form that asks users for their names, local addresses, e-mail addresses, and credit card information.

Moral Character and Virtue

Designing a site that illustrates moral character and virtue is certainly a different process for sexually-oriented groups. The Vatican's demonstration of moderation and Playboy's definition of moderation are, of course, very different things, but unlike many sexual sites, Playboy does exercise restraint in displaying sexual content. In addition, Playboy celebrates a moral code that celebrates sex as natural and healthy. For Playboy, sex is about art and the human spirit, and it is about freedom.

Playboy appears morally above-the-crowd of sexually-oriented sites. It is no Vatican, but it certainly does not lower itself to the same level as some sex sites on the Web. Playboy shows moderation, which may help to reinforce its claims that it is more about lifestyle than sex. As mentioned before, it does display some females in the nude, but only after users move deeper into the site and after they voluntarily click into a nude section. Playboy shows an unusual degree of self-restraint for a sexually-oriented site. Playboy's site might actually be considered conservative in the sex industry, and that might be just what Playboy needs to build a distinctive identity that attracts a new generation of users.

Playboy is honest about its controversial history as a sexual-oriented business and addresses this in several places on the site. On its Help page, Playboy answers the common question, "Does anybody really read Playboy for the articles?" It states that
The articles may not be the first part of the magazine most readers turn to, but judging from the letters we get, millions of Playboy readers also enjoy our award-winning journalism, humor and fiction. The only people who can rightfully claim to read it solely for the articles are the thousands of blind readers who peruse our Braille edition, which has been distributed by the Library of Congress since 1970.
Playboy demonstrates a light-hearted and candid demeanor here as well as in answer to the next question, "Would Playboy sell so well if it didn't have naked women in it?" Playboy writes "Probably not. We'll never know." Its refreshingly honest answer could conceivably establish some credibility for Playboy, showing that the business can be self-critical and also confident simultaneously.

Playboy displays similar candor throughout the site. In its sports section, for instance, Playboy admits to the controversial nature of one of its online polls. Though Playboy does not agree with its critics, quoting from them and actually showing pictures of the newspaper headlines criticizing the poll suggests sincerity on Playboy's part. The poll, which asked users to pick who they thought was "the sexiest sports[caster] babe," received complaints from some news agencies, including Sports Illustrated, Philadelphia Daily News, Chicago Sun-Times, USA Today, and Boston Globe. The issue of objectifying female sportscasters who are still struggling for credibility is not taken lightly by Playboy. Playboy responds to each of the major objections, ultimately saying, however, that "Everyone was upset, it seemed, but the contestants." Playboy writes at the end of its article that
Honestly, was our poll really any different from what guys talk about over a few post-work beers? After gathering more than 200,000 guys together for a few virtual beers, we award the Sexiest Sportscaster crown to a woman possessing both credibility and incredible beauty. Congratulations, Jill [Arrington].
Although its conclusion might not satisfy the critics, these responses show a concern for the opinions of others and may help make Playboy appear more honest to users.

Intelligence and Knowledgeability

Playboy has gained an uncommon degree of popularity around the world. It enjoys recognition as a highly successful business that has served its clients for more than forty years. It is no surprise, therefore, that Playboy does not feel the need to discuss its qualifications, status, or reputation as an intelligent and knowledgeable industry leader.

Playboy discusses its history of success on only one minor page. On its help page, which users may never see due the more attractive features elsewhere on the site, Playboy offers short answers to questions including "What is Playboy?," "Who owns Playboy?," and "What is Playboy's circulation?" Answering the first question, Playboy writes that "Playboy is the leading men's magazine in the world. It contains award-winning fiction and investigative articles, humor, in-depth interviews and pictorials featuring the world's most beautiful women." By emphasizing "leading" and "award-winning," Playboy might be wanting to stress its important position and its history in the field as a pacesetter. In response to the second question, it stresses its world-wide influence. The site goes on to claim that
Playboy is owned by Playboy Enterprises Inc., a global media and entertainment company. PEI also operates the Playboy Catalog; creates and distributes programming for domestic pay television, worldwide home video and international television; and markets the Playboy trademarks on apparel, accessories and other products sold throughout the world. PEI's net revenues in 1999 were $348 million, and its stock is traded on the New York Stock Exchange (PSE: PLA A, PLA).
By emphasizing its global influence, that it controls a vast number of broadcasting groups, sells all sorts of products, and makes considerable money, Playboy might appear larger than life--powerful, influential, and worthy of the label "successful." Playboy answers the last question by stating that it its magazine sells more than three million copies in the United States and 4.5 million worldwide. The most widely circulated issue appeared in November 1972 and sold 7,161,561 copies. The largest in size was the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary issue in January 1979, which weighed in at 414 pages. Playboy could have easily answered all three questions by simply stating that it is a men's magazine, owned by the larger corporation, Playboy Enterprises, which is distributed to millions worldwide. Because it instead elaborates on its successes in detail, it seems obvious that Playboy takes this opportunity to reinforce its identify as a formidable leader in the field.

Playboy, unlike many other sites examined, rarely emphasizes the comments of others to build the appearance of intelligence and knowledgeability. Like the Vatican, perhaps, Playboy already enjoys high status. The only page that Playboy seems to use the tactic of testimonials is on the last of its Cyber Club tour pages. After guiding users through five tour pages, giving them sneak peaks into its picture and video clip archive, which is available only to full members, the tour ends. On this last page, techno-style music loads in the background and a woman's voice says "Hi, I'm Stephanie Heinrich. If you would like to see more exclusive photos and video of me as well as other Cyber Girls, then you must be a member of the Cyber Club. So what are you waiting for? Join the Cyber Club and have some fun." While users are listening to the recording, Playboy writes on this page "STILL NOT SURE? JUST READ WHAT OUR MEMBERS HAVE TO SAY!" It then offers three accounts. The first states "My congratulations on the continued upgrading of the Playboy Cyber Club. Additions such as the Cyber Girls, etc. make the price of admission definitely worth it. (Maybe, dare I say it, the Cyber Club is underpriced...)." The second writes "All the Centerfolds in one spot, (gulp!), wow. College girls behind the scenes, (blush!), I'm in love! Girl galleries, WOW! I'm impressed. Everything is very refreshing. Thanks, guys, for taking the time and working so hard." The third states "Let me make sure I emphasize how great the Cyber Club really is. It is by far and away the best value on the Web!" Playboy is quick to use the full names of every female it photographs, but reluctant to give even the first names of the members who endorse the site. It is also remarkable how similar the first two comments are in tone and style. But even if these were written by Playboy and not by real members, it still signifies a tactic used to prove that Playboy's Cyber Club is worthy of attention--that it is a legitimate adult Website whose services are appreciated by the members.

Verbal and Design Competence

To be a leader in any field, an organization must address the needs of its audience and effectively communicate the organization's message. On the Web, an organization may answer its visitors' concerns by designing a site that demonstrates due consideration for the appropriate words, colors, images, Web technologies, and an arrangement that makes the information interactive and accessible. Playboy strives to establish this type of competent identity. In fact, it superimposes over one of its forthcoming magazine editions, which shows a topless picture of actress and Sports Illustrated supermodel, Kylie Bax, "DO WE CARE ABOUT OUR READERS OR WHAT?" Whether it does is judged best, perhaps, by whether it has held to its aims and designed a site that can maintain its image as a leader in "lifestyle and entertainment."

Playboy.com maintains its reserved sexual identity by choosing appropriate images and text. First, its main page reveals no nudity, although there are many sexualized images of women. Second, its headlines reveal features not just about sexual issues, but also about cigars, sports, how to survive a bar fight, parodies of the presidential campaign and the movie Star Wars, and computer tips. Third, its linguistic choices are not the demanding, pleading, sexually-explicit solicitations that might be seen on other sexual Websites, but are more expository in nature. Fourth, what it emphasizes most on its main page are not the interactive features, but its articles. It seems consistent, then, with what both Hugh and Christie Hefner claim--that they want a Website that can connect with an audience interested in a "lifestyle," not just sex.

Playboy seems to set a tone that is not only practical for a sexually-oriented Website, but one that might entice visitors to come back for more. Playboy uses active voice throughout its site, usually with headline-like captions and links that encourage visitors to click and read more. It seems to target its stated demographic by employing colloquial language selectively so as not to appear too common to its better educated readers. Phrases such as "save your ass," "wicked," "getting his smoke on," and "burning down the house," might appeal to younger, more "hip" users. Yet, Playboy also discusses issues that would interest not only younger men but older men as well, such as cigars, barbecues, cars, and sports.

Playboy works to build a competent identity with a well-designed site. Playboy strives to maintain its site by keeping the news stories current and the pictures original. It seems as if Playboy changes its main page each day. Every time a visitor uses the Website, a unique, small pop-up screen loads on top of the main page that reveals a different barely-dressed female and magazine advertisement. However, upon closer inspection, there are, in fact, only five different boxes and they are randomly generated. Nevertheless, it may be enough to fool users into thinking that someone is in the background making constant changes. The site also appears frequently updated with its females-of-the-week and monthly updates each time a new edition of the magazine is published.

Playboy demonstrates its technical proficiency by utilizing a large number of Web technologies. These technologies may work to facilitate transmission of its materials and to attract the interest of many of its users. Playboy employs all forms of available technology: text, imagery, background music, audio voice-overs, animated banners and images, online newsletters, Real Audio and Quicktime movies, hypertextual links, e-mail links, search engines, online registration and polling forms, image maps or pictures that have several linked sections, chat and live-chat capabilities, and credit card verification technology. This long list of Web devices allows Playboy to connect to its users in myriad ways--incorporating as many devices as possible to attract user interest and possible subscribers. Its display of technical expertise might help confirm its claim as a leader in the field.

With this many technologies, and with so many updates to the site, one might presume that glitches would occur--that users might be stranded with inoperable links or movies that stop midway into a broadcast. Surprisingly, there were few such difficulties on the Playboy site. After reviewing more than one hundred pages of the Playboy site, only four items did not operate properly. On its Love & Sex page, Playboy offers an ongoing poll on many issues. Its "What do you notice first in a woman?" poll failed to submit any entries and failed to show how these entries fared with those of other users, as users are promised. On the Arts & Entertainment page, one of Playboy's image links failed to connect to its Cyber Club. Playboy's Cyber Girl of the Week, featuring Jaime Pressly, also did not load correctly and failed to show Jamie's picture or any of Playboy's usual banners. Finally, on its Living in Style page, the "Subscribe to Playboy" link failed to connect to the subscription page. Although a perfect site would not have these flaws, Playboy still does a quality job making sure that users can enter the main sections of its site.

Playboy.com is highly accessible to users. The site is organized well, placing its major pages on the top and its less emphasized pages to the left of the mainpage. Its text-based stories are categorized under "Features" and its more interactive materials are coded with the "Multimedia" descriptor. Users can also use the search engine that is available on the bottom of the main page to find what they are looking for, or they can select from another list of contents below that. If deep into the site, users can always click on the rabbit head symbol located at the top left of all of the subpages to return to the main page. The exception to this is on its Cyber Club pages, which might be designed this way to keep users from straying from this for-pay section.


Discussion

Playboy is unique as an online sexually-oriented group because its success does not depend exclusively upon its for-pay online services. With a wide array of conventional products and services, Playboy uses the Web more to promote its other products than as a product itself. Before it can convince users to buy its other products, however, Playboy seems to understand that it must first build a trustworthy identity that is based, most importantly, upon the promise of community. Therefore, Playboy offers its users what it believes they want, a community of like-minded people who share the Playboy "lifestyle." Playboy gives its users the appearance of control and mastery over educated and successful females, while still framing the site as an agent of entertainment and the glamorous life. The Website shows Playboy's ongoing struggle with critics who might label all sexually-oriented materials "pornographic." Playboy, however, focuses on the sort of identity that would attract a variety of users to the site--one designed to assuage their concerns over privacy and security so that they feel comfortable buying the Playboy merchandise.

Playboy challenges its visitors to explore the site, ultimately hoping that they will eventually subscribe to its print-based magazine, shop at its store, or join the Cyber Club. While the chance for sexual gratification may bring them to the site initially, it is the opportunity to join and communicate with a community of like-minded individuals and beautiful women that probably sustains Playboy's customer base. Playboy's display of moderation, when added to its appeals to community, its intelligence and knowledge as an industry-leader, and its obvious showing of online competence, could command the attention and trust of its online audience as an online business that can provide quality entertainment. Playboy's Website certainly demonstrates the importance of audience analysis and site personalization, since these two factors help Playboy sustain its popular, community-oriented identity and the support of its customers.

The Web seems to offer those selling sexually-oriented messages, therefore, new avenues for the creation of ethos and identity, and also new techniques for addressing their age-old credibility problems. The problems of doing business online, however, may put restrictions on sexually-oriented groups as they attempt to reach their goals. With anxieties over security and trust pervasive, users are not likely to voluntarily offer their names, addresses, and credit card information without certain promises from the online group. Such users will simply satisfy their desires in less threatening ways. Furthermore, many believe that private information is easily stolen and sold to outside groups from such interactions, which further adds to the paranoia of users online. These fears over security and privacy create obstacles for those groups hoping to reach new customers and increase profits.

Website developers such as those working for Playboy have addressed these issues and have taken steps to create an ethos capable of mitigating the doubts of its potential customers. Playboy must, as its first goal, gain the trust of its users such that they feel comfortable paying money and risking their security and anonymity. The promise of sexual gratification is not the primary commodity offered to assuage doubts. Sex may be what motivates users to visit such sites initially, but sites offer more than sex to entice users. Playboy actually offered its users a sexual identity. Schlenker (1985) has argued that "people are more satisfied . . . to the extent that their desired identity images are supported, validated, or elicited" (p. 93). Playboy attempted to identify with its users by offering them the type of females they desired, supplemented with the appropriate promotional language that would make them feel secure, confident, and in control. Furthermore, it offered its users a community of like-minded people, which could make them feel as if their own beliefs and values were normal.

These linguistic and non-linguistic strategies to build ethos and identity certainly demonstrate the uniqueness of sexually-oriented groups and the rhetorical possibilities available to them. The Web offers more rhetorical possibilities than has ever been imagined. In fact, it has surpassed other media with its capabilities. This investigation into the ethos-managing techniques of a major online group has demonstrated that, despite the many medium-oriented security problems and even the unique problems associated with running a fringe business that deals in sexual content, the means to (re)create one's identity and gain the loyalty of customers are numerous. We should expect the possibilities to expand in number as the Web grows in sophistication and size. As this happens, sexually-oriented groups, including Playboy, will no doubt be ready to adopt the new technologies to negotiate their online identities.


Lessons Learned

The Web, in general, does give online groups a great many means to attract and involve users. This capacity is fundamental to building a sense of community for users. Although text and images are employed for a large variety of purposes, online groups such as Playboy are just beginning to see the benefit of using specialized text, hypertextual and e-mail links, audio and video, and online chat. As more users enter these online public spheres, they might be more persuaded to go to those sites that can offer them extended interaction. At this point in the Web's evolution, online groups are fine-tuning their online suasory strategies for this upcoming demand. Indeed, while this manuscript was being written, Playboy completely altered its site several times to take advantage of the Web's growing sophistication and its growing online population.

Poster (1995) has lamented that only a few people are ready "to assess the full extent of what is at stake in the new communications technology." One aim of this study was to explore the online possibilities of ethos and identity and how one major sexually-oriented group went about establishing credibility. Another aim was to demonstrate how essential ethos is as a factor of persuasion on the Web. While Aristotle (trans. 1991) seems to have hesitated when he said that ethos "is almost, so to speak, the controlling factor in persuasion" (p. 38), when talking about online communication, there exists no reason to hedge. Ethos is the controlling factor in online persuasion; it is what is at stake in the new communications technology. Credibility and trust are vital on the Web where users have little faith in the medium that, more often than not, frustrates, annoys, and angers them. At its worst, people often feel defrauded, harassed, and abused. It is no wonder why online groups spend considerable energy and money experimenting with and adopting technologies that could appeal to their target audiences.

In the opening sections, some effort was spent outlining some tenets of classical ethos. It seems safe to say that the classical concept of ethos is not outdated but limited. The Web might offer groups new ways of building ethos, including the digital alteration of images to project persona that otherwise would not be possible. Additionally, groups can now put people in touch with thousands of experts and supporters by placing e-mail links on a Website, give people a sense of confidence by allowing them a chance to talk, have sex with, and perhaps control the actions of celebrities with whom they might, in real life, never come into contact. These are factors not traditionally considered in our theories of ethos, but they are very real possibilities on the Web.

These new possibilities raise important questions that need to be answered in future studies of the Web. Does computer-mediated communication stretch the limits of our theory of ethos? When groups design Websites with several hundred or even several hundred thousand pages, how are users to form judgments about their ethos? How does one get the "complete" picture when the majority of a group's discourse is hidden from view or at least so massive in size that one cannot possible attend to all of the information? Furthermore, whose ethos is really being judged when a group could have people internal to the organization designing its identity, or a number of freelance writers who are under contract? Does it even matter who designs the site? And have we moved too far in our extension of ethos as a speaker-oriented concept to a group-oriented concept? As demonstrated in this study, the Web has offered new challenges and possibilities for the construction of ethos. Will the future of the Web bring even more challenges to our concepts of character, trust, or credibility?

The concept of ethos is certainly important today, just as it was in classical times, and perhaps deserves more attention. On the other hand, this analysis has also tried to show that while Aristotle's concept is still an important rhetorical construct, it is also necessary to remain open to new perspectives. Ethos in this case was explored by looking at both linguistic and non-linguistic appeals. Some of these are familiar to us and occur frequently in other media and others are unique to the Web. This exploration of online ethos-building strategies is important because it may give some indication as to the future of the Web as a persuasive medium. What is certain, however, is that certain linguistic and non-linguistic appeals currently have their place on the Web and are vital toward building ethos and identity. What is also certain is that groups that focus on building community, moral character, intelligence, and competence, will command greater attention as being worthy of our trust. Groups that can establish credibility by balancing their linguistic and non-linguistic appeals in a substantive way, and also in a form that truly benefits the larger community, therefore, will likely be more persuasive.

The WWW, as we know it today, will not exist in even five years. But no matter how the medium evolves, identifying how ethos works online will always be of consequence. Continued study of the Web is vital and rhetorical scholars may wish to examine this new medium with the same fervor demonstrated elsewhere. The place of CMC in the field of rhetoric is still unclear, but there are rich possibilities that merit our attention. Such a body of literature would give us the historical grounding and understanding to grasp whatever the Web becomes and will help us to realize those factors that are unchanging in the nature of persuasion.


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About the Author

Todd S. Frobish (Ph.D. The Pennsylvania State University) is Assistant Professor of Speech at Fayetteville State University. His research examines the functions of ethos and identity in all persuasive discourse, but especially that found in computer-mediated communication. This essay was a part of his dissertation work, which focused also on ethos and identity in online political and religious environments.
Address: Speech and Theatre, Performing and Fine Arts, Fayetteville State University, 1200 Murchison Road, Fayetteville, NC 28311.




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